Reports of the Committee of Un-American Activities

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84th Congress, 2d Session

Union Calendar Xo. 564

House Report No. 1648

COMMITTEE ON

UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

ANNUAL REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1955

JANUARY 11, 1956

(Original release date)

January 17, 1956. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed

Prepared and released by the

Committee on Un-American Activities, U. S. House of Representatives

Washington, D. C.

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

United States House of Representatives

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman

MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri
CLYDE DOYLE, California
JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee
EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana

HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois
BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York
DONALD L. JACKSON, California
GORDON H. SCHERER, Oliio

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk

II

Union Calendar No. 564

84th Congress ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ( Report
2d Session j ( No. 1G48

COMMITTEE OX UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
ANNUAL REPORT FOR THE YEAR 19.m

January IT. li >r»G. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the
State of the Union and ordered to he printed

Mr. Walter, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Un-American Activities,

submitted the following

REPORT

[Pursuant to II. lies. 5, S4th Con#.]

in

I

CONTENTS

Page

Foreword 1

Communist Infiltration of Government 5

Summer camps 8

New York:

Youth organizations 11

Entertainment 12

Neighborhood groups 16

Newark, N. J. area 17

Fort Wayne, Ind. area 20

Milwaukee, Wis. area 22

Los Angeles and San Diego, Calif 24

Southern California Peace Crusade 25

George Hugh Hardy man 26

Korean Independence 27

Seattle, Wash, area 28

National Committee To Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 29

Reference Service 33

Recommendations 35

Appendixes:

I. List of committee hearings and publications for 1955 37

II. Excerpts from document, How the Communist International For-
mulates at Present the Problem of Organization, by B.

Vassiliev 38

III. Affidavit of Ralph Vernon Long correcting his testimony before

the committee on November 30, 1954 48

v

Public Law 601, T9th Congress

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress (1946), chapter
753, 2d session, which provides :

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled, * * *

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Rule X

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES

*******

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.

Rule XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES

*******

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.

(A) Un-American Activities.

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit-
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,

(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and

(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any
necessary remedial legislation.

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at; such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.

VI

RULES ADOPTED BY THE S4TH CONGRESS

House Resolution 5, January 5, 1955

*******

Rule X

STANDING COMMITTEES

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,
the following standing committees :

* ******

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.

* ******

Rule XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES

*******

17. Committee on Un-American Activities.

(a) Un-American Activities.

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee,
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char-
acter, and objects of un-American proj^aganda activities in the United States,
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop-
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress
in any necessary remedial legislation.

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.

vn

ANNUAL REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1955

FOREWORD

Investigations and hearings conducted by the Committee on Un-
American Activities during 1955 unearthed important new evidence of
Communist subversion in vital areas of American life.

The committee submits the following report on its work last year,
in accordance with Public Law 601 (sec. 121, subsec. q (2) ) and House
Resolution 5 of the S4tli Congress.

This legislation empowers the committee to investigate the extent,
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the
United States. It also requires reports to the House of Representatives
on the results of any such investigation, together with such recom-
mendations as are deemed advisable.

Machinations of the Kremlin’s conspirators in this country were
revealed in the course of public hearings held in 1955 in New York,
New Jersey, Illinois, Wisconsin, California, and Washington State,
in addition to Washington, D. C. A total of 178 witnesses appeared
at these hearings, the printed record of which comprises approxi-
mately 3,160 pages.

The committee obtained information from 36 of these witnesses.
A majority of them were either one-time members of the Communist
Party who had become disillusioned upon discovering the party’s true
purpose, or undercover agents within the party for Federal or munici-
pal law-enforcement agencies. By their firsthand accounts of Com-
munist efforts to undermine our most important democratic institu-
tions, these witnesses made a major contribution to the Congress’
understanding of the Communist problem and its ability to legislate
wisely in the field of subversive control.

The committee regrets to report that 142 other witnesses refused to
provide the committee with the valuable information they are known
to possess. In all but five instances, these witnesses invoked the priv-
ilege of the fifth amendment. One of the exceptions was John T.
Gojack, an official of the Communist-controlled United Electrical,
Radio, and Machine Workers of America, who refused to answer all
committee questions on the ground that they represented an uncon-
stitutional invasion of his right of free speech. The House of Repre-
sentatives has requested the Department of Justice to institute legal
proceedings against Mr. Gojack for contempt of Congress.

In accordance with the committee’s rules of procedure, all investiga-
tions during the past year were instituted after approval by a majority
of the members of the committee. At the opening of each public
hearing, the presiding chairman clearly outlined the purpose of the
investigation and hearing. xYt no public hearing were there fewer
than two members of the committee in constant attendance. Persons
identified for the first time in public hearing as having subversive
affiliations were notified of the fact by registered letter, where
practicable.

H. Kept. 1G4S, S4-2 2

1

2 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

Wide-ranging investigations and hearings by the committee last
year uncovered such evidence as the following:

•Ten hitherto-undisclosed cells of Communists were found to have
operated within the executive and legislative branches of the Gov-
ernment at various times. Preliminary hearings held in Chicago in
December centered on the testimony of individuals now living in that
area who were identified as having been members of Communist cells
while employed by the Government. Full-scale hearings on Commu-
nist infiltration of the Government are scheduled to begin in February
195G.

• Communists have attempted to indoctrinate and disaffect Ameri-
can youth by means of Communist-operated summer camps. The
Communist management of six camps in New York State and another
in California was exposed by committee investigations and hearings.
The camp in California, which was posing as a project for “under-
privileged' 5 children, ceased to operate in the summer of 1955 after its
Communist character was revealed.

• Communist activities among youth groups were exposed further
when the committee subpenaed five young men who have been leaders
in the Labor Youth League or other Communist Party youth activi-
ties. Although the witnesses took refuge in the fifth amendment,
evidence submitted at the hearings showed that the Communist Party
considers its work among youth to be of “decisive 55 importance and
the Labor Youth League continues to function as an ill-disguised
youth section of the Communist Party.

•Members of the Communist Party are obtaining employment in
New York City’s entertainment industry. The reputations and finan-
cial resources they obtain in that industry are then used in part to
promote the Communist conspiracy. Such facts were obtained in the
course of special investigations and hearings conducted in New York.
The committee also identified leaders of a Communist clique seeking
to spread Communist influence within an important union for radio
and television artists. Investigation of alleged “blacklisting” in the
industry exposed the fraudulent nature of a Communist-backed propa-
ganda campaign on this subject.

•The Communist Party has been spreading subversion in resi-
dential communities in the New York City area through “neighbor-
hood” Communist clubs. The first complete picture of these ground-
level Communist operations was obtained through the testimony of
Mrs. Mildred Rlauvelt, former undercover agent for the New York
City Police Department. The witness identified 44 “neighborhood”
clubs of the party in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and the Bronx, as well
as more than 500 individual party members in the area.

•Organized Communist conspirators have been extremely active in
the Newark, N. J. area. Their machinations, particulary in labor
and professional groups, were unveiled in the course of a 4-day hear-
ing in Newark. This was the committee’s first comprehensive investi-
gation into Communist activities in that locality.

•Documented proof that a Communist-dominated union siphons off
workers’ dues for Communist purposes was produced in the course of
committee investigations and hearings on District 9 of the United
Electrical, Radio, and Machine "Workers of America. UE District 9
supervises union locals in Indiana and Michigan from headquarters

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 3

in Fort Wayne, Inch These hearings were printed under the title,
•‘Fort Wayne, Ind., Area/ 7

•Communist-front organizations in the Milwaukee, Wis., area be-
came “stepping stones 77 into the Communist Party for many young
people, witnesses testified at the first hearings of the committee in that
locality. These youths eventually advanced into adult party work.
The main emphasis of this work was the infiltration of defense indus-
try in the area. The committee also obtained further corroboration
of its view that the increased “underground” operations of the Com-
munist Party since the Smith Act prosecutions have diminished the
party’s ability to propagandize and to recruit new members.

• Successes and failures of Communist strategy in the Pacific North-
west over a lG-year period were described with a wealth of docu-
mentation by Eugene Dennett, a former Communist Party official in
Washington State and Oregon. The party achieved “tremendous”
political influence in the area by its control of organizations such as
the Washington Pension Union, according to testimony received by
the committee in session in Seattle, Wash.

•Massive new evidence on Communist activities and membership in
southern California from 1928 through 195-1 was presented by a num-
ber of former undercover agents at committee hearings held in Los
Angeles and San Diego. Former agent William Ward Kimple re-
viewed some 300 documents and identified more than 1,000 party
members in the course of testimony on party activities in that area
in the 1930’s. Committee hearings also ripped away the various dis-
guises that had been assumed by California branches of the subversive
American Peace Crusade.

• National Committee To Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case and
local affiliates throughout the country were exposed as Communist-
front organizations. A series of hearings on the Rosenberg committee
showed that it was created and directed by the Communist Party for
the purpose of building party membership and finances, and providing
a powerful new propaganda weapon. A separate comprehensive
report on the organization and the hearings is being prepared for
publication.

The foregoing investigations and hearings are described in greater
detail in subsequent sections of this report. A complete list of all
printed hearings and publications issued by the committee in 1955 will
be found in appendix I.

The committee conducted a number of extensive investigations in
1955 which has laid the groundwork for a series of public hearings
to be held in 195G.

Communist activities in the State of North Carolina and in the
Rocky Mountain area were included among the subjects of investiga-
tion last year.

The committee also devoted considerable investigative effort to the
field of Communist propaganda aimed at the men serving in the
Armed Forces of our country, and their families. A self-styled Save
Our Sons Committee was created in 1952 to carry on a Communist
propaganda campaign among American prisoners of war in Korea
and their families. For that purpose, the organization callously
exploited the sincere desire of many persons for an end to the Korean

4 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

war and the return of American prisoners. The Save Our Sons
Committee continues to operate with its propaganda keyed to more
current issues. Hearings on the activities of this group are scheduled
early in 195G.

Overlapping or duplication of investigations by the several con-
gressional committees with authority in the same field was avoided in
1955 by mutual agreement of committee chairmen. This understand-
ing was reached at a meeting held at the beginning of the 84th Con-
gress by the chairmen of the House Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities, the Senate Committee on Government Operations, and the Sen-
ate Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee To Investigate the Admin-
istration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security
Laws.

The value of this agreement was demonstrated in the course of the
House committee’s investigation into alleged Communist infiltration
of the Government, This committee, for more than a year, had been
investigating Communist cells which have operated within Govern-
ment agencies, including the National Labor Relations Board. Con-
siderable evidence had been developed by the committee staff. The
Senate Committee on Government Operations, meanwhile, had also
collected information regarding Communist infiltration of the Na-
tional Labor Relations Board. In conformance with the agreement
reached by committee chairmen, information obtained by the Senate
committee was turned over to this committee, and duplicate investi-
gations and hearings were avoided.

In the course of the past year, this committee prepared and printed
a cumulative index to all hearings and reports of the committee from
its inception in 1938 through 1954. Whereas earlier cumulative in-
dexes issued by the committee were confined to the names of individu-
als, the new index for the first time contains not only individuals but
also organizations and publications mentioned in hearings and re-
ports from 1938 through 1954.

This mammoth project was undertaken in the belief that it would
be of inestimable assistance to the work of the committee’s staff, the
Congress, and the various Federal, State, and municipal agencies con-
cerned with the problem of the Communist conspiracy. The recep-
tion which the new index has already received completely justifies the
undertaking. The committee would like to call attention to the warn-
ing, clearly carried in the index, that the mere listing of any person,
publication, or organization in the index constitutes no evidence of
derogatory information in committee hearings and reports. Anti-
Communists as well as Communist individuals and organizations are
frequently mentioned in committee publications and both have been
listed in accordance with customary indexing procedures.

Members of Congress have continued to call upon the committee
for information on subversive activities. The reference section an-
swered more than 1,300 requests submitted by individual Members of
Congress during the past year, in addition to its services for the com-
mittee staff and various agencies of the executive branch of the Gov-
ernment. To supply these services, the committee maintains com-
prehensive information files dating back many years and constantly
growing in volume and value.

o o

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE OK UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 5

COMMUNIST INFILTRATION OF GOVERNMENT

The committee obtained evidence during the past year that 10 Com-
munist cells, never before publicly identified, have operated within the
executive and legislative branches of the Government. Members of
these cells were without exception employees of the Government.

This evidence came to the committee in the course of examining
allegations early last year that a Communist cell had functioned
within the National Labor Relations Board. Months of painstaking
investigation by the committee staff established that a Communist cell
had indeed existed among employees of the NLRB and that, in all
probability, more than one Communist cell functioned within that one
Government agency. Continued investigation eventually produced
positive information regarding a total of not less than nine Communist
cells which operated at different times within various departments of
the executive branch of our Government and another which had
operated within the staff of a committee of the United States Senate.

Preliminary public hearings on this subject of investigation were
held in Chicago December 13-15, 1955. In these sessions, the com-
mittee confined itself to taking the testimony of 7 individuals who
were identified as having been members of various Communist cells in
Government and who today reside in the Midwest.

These hearings were highlighted by the testimony of Herbert Fuchs,
who was employed by the Federal Government from 193G until 1948.
His testimony formed the opening wedge in this new phase of the
committee’s investigation of Communists in the Government.

Mr. Fuchs testified that lie had joined the Communist Party in
New York City in 1934 and that he remained a member of the party
until 1940. At that time, he said, he broke completely with commu-
nism, both as an organization and as an ideology.

Mr. Fuchs* first Government employment in 1936 was as an attorney
on the staff of the “Wheeler Committee” of the United States Senate.
The Wheeler Committee was the popular designation for the Subcom-
mittee To Investigate Railroads. Holding Companies, and Related
Matters of the Senate Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce.

From 1937 until 1948. Mr. Fuchs was employed as an attorney by the
National Labor Relations Board in Washington, D. C., with the ex-
ception of a 3-year period when he was assigned to the National War
Labor Board.

While on the staff of the Senate subcommittee. Mr. Fuchs was a
member of a Communist cell which included two other employees of
the subcommittee and a fourth individual who was employed elsewhere.

When he obtained employment wit]i the National Labor Relations
Board in the next year. Mi\ Fuchs was instructed by the Communist
Party to join three other lawyers employed by the Board in organizing
a Communist cell within that agency. This cell, according to Mr.
Fuchs, eventually attained a maximum membership of 17, most of
whom were attorneys. The cell later was split into separate units.

In November 194*2. Mr. Fuchs was transferred to the National War
Labor Board office in Washington, D. C\. and from January 1943 to
December 1945, he worked in that agency's regional office in Denver,
Colo. Mr. Fuchs testified that he became a member of a Communist
Party cell within the Denver office of the National War Labor Board
and that the cell had a maximum of 13 members. The witness said

6 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

he also knew of the concurrent existence of another Communist cell
within the Board’s Denver office.

Mr. Fuchs resumed work with the National Labor Relations Board
in Washington, D, C., in 1946, at which time he rejoined the Commu-
nist cell within that agency.

During his membership in the Communist Party group within the
NLRB, Mr. Fuchs served as the group’s official contact with higher
Communist Party echelons in Washington, D. C. For a considerable
period of time, Mr. Fuchs’ contact was Victor Perlo, whose leading role
in the Communist Party’s program to infiltrate our Government was
first revealed in the testimony of Elizabeth Bentley before this com-
mittee in 1948. Mr. Fuchs testified he was required to contact Victor
Perlo whenever he needed advice or instructions from the Communist
Party. Mr. Fuchs said that Arthur Stein eventually replaced Mr.
Perlo as adviser to the NLRB Communist group. Mr. Stein was a
Government employee who had supervised Mr. Fuchs’ Communist
work at the time of Mr. Fuchs’ employment in the United States
Senate.

During his testimony, Mr. Fuchs named as Communist Party mem-
bers a total of 38 individuals who had never before been publicly iden-
tified before this committee as Communists, as well as a number of
others who had been named previously. Twenty-five of the thirty-
eight had been employees of various agencies of the Federal Govern-
ment, and four others, Henry and Jessica Rhine and Sidney and Julia
Katz, were also believed by Mr. Fuchs to have been employees of the
Government at one time or another. Those named for the first time
in the Chicago hearings by Mr. Fuchs were the following:

James Stasinos; Leah Robison ; Arthur Stein (WPA) ; James Gorham*
(Wheeler Committee) ; Samuel Koenigsberg (Wheeler Committee) ; Ellis Olim
(ICC) ; Margaret Bennett Porter (Wheeler Committee; NLRB) ; Eleanor Nelson
(Labor Department); Henry Rhine; Sidney Katz; Julia Katz; Janet Buck
Gaines Stern; Jessica Rhine; Martin Kurascli (NLRB; WLB ) ; Joseph Robison
(NLRB) ; Lester Asher* (NLRB) ; David Rein (NLRB) ; Woodrow Sandler
(NLRB) ; Jacob II. Krug (NLRB) ; Mortimer Riemer* (NLRB) ; Ruth Weyand
(NLRB); Allen Heald* (NLRB); Harry Cooper (NLRB); Frank Donner
(NLRB); Edward Scheunemann (NLRB; OPA) ; Bert Diamond* (NLRB):
Lillian Kurascli; Cecilia Scheunemann (WLB); Gerald Matchett (WLB);
Margaret Matchett; Raymond LaVallee (WLB, Denver); Corina LaVallee;
Dwight Spencer (WLB) ; Mary Spencer; Don Plumb; Arlyne Plumb (WLB) ;
Selma Rein, Bernard W. Stern (NLRB).

As a leader of his cell within the NLRB, Mr. Fuchs attended section
meetings with leaders of other Communist cells within various Gov-
ernment agencies. Thus, Mr. Fuchs was in a position to ascertain the
existence of a number of heretofore unknown Communist cells
operating within other Government departments.

Mr. Fuchs’ testimony is an invaluable contribution to the com-
mittee’s investigation into Communist infiltration of Government and
the committee appreciates his courageous disclosures regarding the
large segment of the Communist underground in Government with
which he had extensive personal contact.

At its hearings in Chicago, the committee also received testimony
from Mortimer Riemer, a practicing attorney in Cleveland, Ohio, who
had been employed by the National Labor Relations Board in Wash-
ington, D. C., from 1940 to 1947. Mr. Riemer confirmed Mr. Fuchs’

*These individuals have appeared before the committee and answered questions regard-
ing their knowledge of the Communist Party and Communist Party activities.

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 7

testimony regarding Mr. Riemers own membership in the Communist
cell at the NLRB and provided important corroborating evidence re-
garding the membership and activities of that cell. Mr. Riemer also
identified a group of lawyers with whom he had earlier been associated
in the Communist Party in New York City. Most of these individ-
uals have not previously been identified as being party members.

Another witness heard by the committee in Chicago was Ellis Olim,
whom Mr. Fuchs had identified as a member of his Communist cell
while both were employed by the Wheeler Committee of the United
States Senate. Mr. Olim had been an employee of the Federal Gov-
ernment from 1937 to 195*2.

Mr. Olim at first declined to answer all questions by the committee
regarding Communist Party activities on the ground of possible self-
incrimination. During the course of his testimony, he was asked by
the committee whether or not he would answer questions regarding
Communist Party activity if the committee petitioned the courts to
grant him immunity from prosecution and such petition were ap-
proved. After a recess and consultation with his attorney, Mr. Olim
stated that he would answer all questions put to him by the committee
if he were assured of immunity from prosecution. This is the first
instance in which a witness before this committee has agreed to testify
under the protection of the immunity statute (Public Law GOO)
enacted by the 83d Congi'ess.

The committee has scheduled extensive public hearings early in
1950. at which time it intends to probe much more deeply into the
activities of organized, disciplined Communists who attempted to sub-
vert our Government from within its official ranks.

The new evidence obtained by the committee in the past year was in
a sense forecast in 1948. when the testimony of Whittaker Cham-
bers and Elizabeth Bentley before this committee gave the Congress
and the American public their first insight into the Communist
underground in Government.

Whittaker Chambers in the early 1930’s served as a liaison between
foreign Soviet espionage agents and various United States Govern-
ment employees who were willing to betray classified information for
the benefit of the Soviet dictatorship. The Communists in our Gov-
ernment with whom Mr. Chambers maintained contact have been
designated as the Ware- Abt- Witt group after its leading members.
Alger Hiss served a jail sentence in connection with his part in this
conspiracy exposed by Mr. Chambers.

Elizabeth Bentley operated as a go-between for two other groups
of Communists who were working within and against our Govern-
ment in the early 1940’s. She identified the members and activities
of the Perlo group and the Silvermaster group, as well as certain
Communists not attached to any particular cell. William Remington
went to prison as a result of the information developed by her
testimony.

The testimony of Mr. Chambers and Miss Bentley clearly indicated
that their activities involved only a small segment of the total Soviet
espionage underground in Government. The committee has con-
tinuously sought to uncover the rest of this traitorous operation.
These investigative efforts scored a major success in 1955.

As the record of this type of Communist subversion continues to
accumulate, the committee is aware that some critics may attempt to

8 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

dismiss the seriousness of the evidence on the ground that these par-
ticular cells no longer operate within the Government. The commit-
tee hopes it will not find these critics also joining in the clamor for
the removal or reduction of security measures now designed to keep
members of the Communist Party and other subversive organizations
from gaining Government employment. The committee believes that
a total exposure of the activities and objects of Communists within
the Government in the past will contribute to a determined effort to
maintain and improve the safeguards that have been erected against
such conspirators. Only thus can we be confident that what has hap-
pened in the past will not happen again.

SUMMER CAMPS

The Communists’ use of summer camps to indoctrinate and disaffect
American youth was exposed by the committee as a result of a series
of hearings held last year.

The committee focused its attention on six summer camps in New
York State catering exclusively to children or to both children and
adults, and on a seventh camp for “underprivileged” children in
California.

Committee research and investigation over a considerable period of
time had revealed that an unusual number of individuals positively
identified in testimony as having been members of the Communist
Party were engaged in the ownership or operation of summer camps.
The committee was anxious to determine whether Communist Party
purposes were being promoted through these camps, and whether the
lure of a “vacation” would enlist unwary youth and adults in a cause
they would not knowingly endorse.

The committee’s concern was more than justified by the testimony
on July 25, 1055, of Pvt. Stanley A. Wechkin. Private Wechkin is a
21-year-old New Yorker, who had vacationed at Camp Kinderland,
located at Hopewell Junction, N. Y., in the summers of 1047 and
1048.

“When T came to Camp Kinderland in 1047, I was no Communist,”
Private Wechkin testified. “I think that primarily through the in-
fluence of Camp Kinderland and, more specifically, the influence of
my counselor, Herbert Gutman, I did eventually become a Communist
in succeeding years.”

Private Wechkin stated that the camp accepted youngsters up to the
age of 10 and that the children were fed Communist propaganda in
informal “spontaneous" discussions rather than in any organized
fashion. The capitalist system was constant]} 7 derided in apparently
casual talks with camp counselors and other employees, the witness
said, and heavy emphasis was placed on the production of political
pageants and on the singing of Communist songs. Books by Commu-
nist authors were recommended to Private Wechkin by his counselor,
who also enrolled the youth in his first front organization, a Youth for
Wallace Club later known as the Young Progressives of America.

For years after his experiences at Cam]) Kinderland, Private Wech-
kin continued to work with sections of these Communist-front organi-
zations located in New York City. From these groups, he “pro-
gressed" to membership in the Labor Youth League, which is the suc-
cessor to the Young Communist League and American Youth for

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 9

Democracy, and which today serves as the youth section of the Com-
munist Party. His Communist-front activities led him to enroll in
classes in Marxist theory at the Communist Jefferson School of Social
Science. Private Weehkin testified that he even sought membership
in the Communist Party and, to that end, arranged a meeting with a
local party functionary. Due to a misunderstanding as to the time
and place of this meeting as well as his own misapprehensions about
the party, Private Weehkin said he never actually became a member.

Herbert Gutman, Private Wechkin’s counselor at Camp Kinderland
and an admitted member of the Communist Party according to Wech-
kin, was thereafter called as a witness before the committee. He in-
voked the fifth amendment in refusing to answer questions regarding
the camp or the Communist Party.

The committee also summoned before it 10 individuals who have
been identified as members of the Communist Party and who at the
time of their appearance before the committee held key positions in the
operation of 7 summer camps in Xew York and California. Every
one of these witnesses responded to questions regarding the Com-
munist Party by invoking the fifth amendment against possible self-
incrimination. The camps involved in this questioning included :

Camp Lakeland, located at Hopewell Junction, X. Y. Private
Wechkin’s testimony described Camp Lakeland as a summer camp
for adults which held joint activities with the adjacent Camp Kinder-
land for children in 11)47 and 1948. Committee investigation into the
subsequent status of the camps showed that a “Camp Lakeland, Inc.”
became the owner and operator of both the adult and children’s camps
at Hopewell Junction in 1951. Mortgages on the property were held
by the International Workers Order, a subversive organization which
has since been liquidated on orders of the superintendent of insurance
of the State of Xew York. David Green, current manager of Camp
Lakeland, Inc., was questioned regarding the present operators and
financial backers of the camps. He admitted that the Camp Lakeland
corporation, headed by President Sol Vail, was today offering vaca-
tion accommodations to 320 children and 250 adults. A dummy hold-
ing company by the name of Sylvan Lake, Inc., holds $90,000 in mort-
gages on the property, he also stated. A third of this sum, he con-
ceded, was supplied in 1955 by a Philadelphia local of the Communist-
dominated International Fur and Leather Workers Union.

Evidence in the hands of the committee shows that both David Green
and Sol Vail have been active members of the Communist Party as
well as of the now defunct International Workers Order. Mr. Green
pleaded the fifth amendment, however, in response to all committee
questions relating to the Communist Part} 7 , the IWO, and party
personnel at the camps.

Wingdale Lodge, at Wingdale, X. Y. Prior to 1955 it served
as a notorious Communist rendezvous under the name of Camp Unity.
A total of 191 children and adults were in attendance at this summer
camp at the time the committee heard testimony of its general man-
ager, Kenneth Friedman. Mr. Friedman told the committee that
he had helped to organize the new Wingdale Lodge corporation in
March of 1955. However, the Loujack Camp Corp. which owned the
property when it was known as Camp Unity continues as owner of the
property, according to Mr. Friedman’s testimony.

H. Kept. 1648, S4-2 3

10 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

When questioned regarding the Communist Party affiliations of
himself and various camp employees, Mr. Friedman invoked the fifth
amendment Elliott Sullivan, entertainment director at Wingdale
Lodge, was then called as a witness and similarly refused to answer
questions about Communist Party activities on the ground of pos-
sible self-incrimination. Both Mr. Friedman and Mr. Sullivan have
been identified as Communist Party members in previous testimony
before the committee. The committee is convinced that Wingdale
Lodge is no less a Communist project than its predecessor, Camp
Unity. '

Camp Woodland, at Phoenicia, N. Y. Current attendance is 160
children under the age of 16, according to Norman Studer, director
of the camp, who was subpenaed before the committee on July 28,
1955, and invoked the fifth amendment in response to questions con-
cerning his membership in the Communist Party.

Camp Timberline, at Jewett, N. Y., with an enrollment of 78
children between the ages of 6 and 13 at the time of the committee
hearings. Mr. and Mrs. Elton Gustafson codirect this summer camp
which is owned by Mrs. Gustafson. Mr. Gustafson refused to answer
pertinent questions by the committee on the ground of self-incrimina-
tion.

Straight Arrow Camp, a day camp serving 85 children between the
ages of 6 and 15, according to the testimony before the committee of
Morris Salz, director. Prior to assuming charge of this camp at
Goldens Bridge, N. Y., Mr. Salz admitted serving as an instructor
at the aforementioned Camp Lakeland. He relied on the fifth amend-
ment in refusing to affirm or deny previous testimony before the
committee identifying him as a member of the Communist Party.

Briehl’s Farm, near Wallkill, N. Y., advertised in the Communist
Daily Worker as a resort center for both youth and adults. Fred
Briehl, operator of the farm, invoked the fifth amendment when the
committee questioned him regarding his membership on the Farm
Commission of the New York State Communist Party, and on political
office lie has sought on a Communist Party ticket. Committee investi-
gation reveals that this farm has also been used by the Communist
Party as a training school for party leaders.

Ormsby Village for Youth, a summer camp offering rural vaca-
tions in Topanga Canyon, Calif., to “underprivileged” city children.
At sessions in Los Angeles the committee took testimony from the
following camp officials who also have records of Communist Party
membership: Raphael Ivonigsberg, executive director; Jean Wilkin-
son, camp director; and Frank C. Davis, member of the board of
directors. The three officers declined to discuss Ormsby Village or
Communist Party activities on the ground of self-incrimination.
Sylvia Schoen field, an identified Communist then serving as presi-
dent of the Friends of Ormsby Village, also invoked the fifth amend-
ment when called before the committee. The organization which she
heads had been active in raising funds for the support of Ormsby
Village.

The permanent office address of Ormsby Village is 2936 West Eighth
Street, Los Angeles— the address of the First Unitarian Church, of
which the Reverend Stephen H. Fritchman is pastor. The owner-
ship of Ormsby Village property is vested in an Ormsby Hill Trust,

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 11

which has enjoyed a tax-exempt status on the basis of its “charitable”
work in behalf of underprivileged children. Trustees of the fund are
George Hugh llardyman and his wife, Susan Hardyman. The com-
mittee subpenaed Mr. Hardyman, who admitted he had been instru-
mental in establishing the Ormsby Village for Youth and had made
substantial linancial contributions to the project. Mr. Hardyman s
testimony is reported more completely in the Los Angeles section of
this report; it should be noted, however, that Mr. Hardyman was
questioned concerning speeches he had made in Red China and other
Iron Curtain countries in which he accused the United States of con-
ducting germ warfare in Korea. While he denied actual Communist
Party niembership, Mr. Hardyman betrayed himself as a stanch
supporter of the party by repeating his heinous propaganda state-
ments at committee hearings ; he resorted to the fifth amendment when
questioned about the Communist background of Ormsby Village
personnel.

The committee hearings confirmed investigative information that
the Ormsby Village for Youth was another example of an attempt by
known Communists to indoctrinate and disaffect American youth.
The project is even more reprehensible because of its fraudulent claims
to be a charitable enterprise. The committee is gratified to announce
that, as a result of its exposure of the true character of Ormsby Village
for Youth, the camp failed to operate during the summer of 1955.

That many other summer camps have continued to function under
the leadership of identified Communists is the subject of grave con-
cern to the committee. The subjection of the impressionable minds
of hundreds of children to Communist influence represents a danger
which cannot be minimized. The danger is increased by the fact that,
according to committee investigations, Communist propaganda and
purposes are conveyed with much more subtlety today than they have
been in the past. The committee will continue to expose the character
of such Communist training centers for youth wherever they may be
found. It is of equal importance, however, that parents become alert
to the need for thoroughly investigating the nature of camps to which
they entrust their children during the summer.

During the course of its investigation into Communist-operated
summer camps, the committee was encouraged to learn of a forth-
coming investigation into this field by the New York State Joint Legis-
lative Committee on Philanthropic and Charitable Agencies. The
House Committee on Un-American Activities agreed to make avail-
able to the State body any information in its possession which might
assist the local investigators. Subsequent to our own hearings, the
New York committee held extensive public hearings regarding the
operation of summer camps in New York State.

NEW YORK— YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS

The committee continued its inquiry into Communist activities
among youth groups with a hearing held on March 1G, 1955, in Wash-
ington, D. C.

Five New York youths who have held official positions in the Labor
Youth League or other Communist Party assignments involving youth,
groups were subpenaed as witnesses at this hearing. They were :

12 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

Leon Wofsy, national chairman of the Labor Youth League and
reputed leader of the Communist youth movement in this country
today.

Joseph Bucholt, New York State chairman of the Labor Youth
League until March 1955, when he was released to take another assign-
ment. When asked by the committee whether his new assignment was
with the Communist Party underground, Mr. Bucholt refused to
answer on the ground of possible self-incrimination.

Bobert Fogel, one-time officer of the student division of the New
York Communist Party, who later served as student director for the
Labor Youth League. He succeeded Joseph Bucholt as New York
State chairman of the LYL last March.

Sam Engler, former educational director of the New York State
Labor Youth League.

Ernie Parent, who has held the post of youth director with the
Communist Party of New York City.

Evidence in the possession of the committee shows that the Labor
Youth League has functioned as the youth section of the Communist
Party in recent years. The organization was cited in 1950 by Attorney
General J. Howard McGrath as “the organization for young Com-
munists” which “has taken the place of the two prior organizations,
Young Communist League and American Youth for Democracy.” On
February 15, 1955, the Subversive Activities Control Board rendered a
decision declaring the Labor Youth League to be a Communist-front
organization.

The committee considers it of prime importance to expose the
methods by which the Communist Party seeks to influence the youth of
our country and the degree of influence the party has managed to at-
tain. The five aforementioned witnesses were subpenaed in the sin-
cere belief that they possessed valuable information on Communist
Party tactics directed against young Americans.

For example, Witness Bobert Fogel had expounded on the value of
youth work to the Communist Party in an article appearing in the
Communist Party organ, the Daily Worker, in July of 1954. In the
course of this article, Mr. Fogel quoted the following revealing state-
ment made by Bobert Thompson, one of the party’s national leaders:

Work among youth is not just another important field of work for our party
and for the progressive forces ; it is a decisive field of work. In all truth we can
say that the forces that win the youth of our country will win our country.

The youths subpenaed by the committee have not hesitated to place
before the public their alien Communist ideologies. When questioned
on the same subject by this committee of the Congress, however, the
five witnesses exercised their constitutional privileges against self-
incrimination.

The committee has maintained a standing invitation to anyone who
feels that he was incorrectly identified as a member of the Communist
Party by any witness before the committee, to come forward and tes-
tify in his own behalf. This invitation — which has been given at
public hearings and publicized by press and radio — still stands.

NEW YOBK— ENTEBTAINMENT

The extent to which Communists have infiltrated the entertainment
industry in New York City was the focus of committee investigations
and hearings in that city last year.

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE OX UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 13

Investigation sought to determine whether or not members of the
Communist Party have obtained employment in entertainment media,
and what methods they might use to exploit the limitless propaganda
resources offered by the legitimate theater, radio, and television. The
committee's investigation established that —

(1) Communists have been successful in finding employment
in the Xew York entertainment field;

(2) the Communist Party is cashing in on the talent, reputa-
tion, and financial resources of these party members;

(3) cliques of active Communists operate within the various
entertainers’ unions, and the committee has identified a number
of the leaders of the Communist fraction within the New York
local of the American Federation of Television and Eadio Artists;

(4) radio and television networks continue to use the talents
of Communist Party members because of inadequate information
and investigative facilities; and

(5) a Communist-supported propaganda campaign against
"blacklisting" has completely falsified the true hiring policies
applying to entertainers.

In the course of public hearings in New York City, the committee
heard 21 witnesses connected with the entertainment field. All of
them had been identified to the committee as having been members of
the Communist Party and almost all of them had very recent em-
ployment by major television and radio networks.

From evidence obtained during preliminary investigations, the com-
mittee learned that these 21 witnesses had been active in propagandiz-
ing in behalf of the Communist conspiracy. All were found to have
served as featured entertainers at affairs sponsored by Communist-
front organizations. When they appeared before the committee, all
but one refused to answer questions regarding their Communist Party
membership and activities.

George Hall, the single witness courageous and patriotic enough to
answer questions propounded by the committee, told how he had been
recruited into the Communist Party and how the party had exploited
his entertainment talents by having him appear at Communist fund-
raising parties and various Communist-front affairs. The committee
was shocked to learn that other possible cooperative witnesses had been
effectively dissuaded from coining forward by pressure exerted by the
Communists.

Sam (Zero) Mostel, another member of the entertainment industry
in New York City, was called before the committee at a later date in
California. He was identified as a Communist Party member in
previous testimony taken by the committee. Mr. Mostel denied mem-
bership in the Communist Party at the time of his appearance as
a witness but invoked the fifth amendment in response to all questions
regarding past party activities, even, it is interesting to note, as recent
as the very day before his appearance.

During its investigations in New York City, the committee deter-
mined that strong fractions of Communist Party members existed
within the trade unions representing individuals employed in enter-
tainment media. The function of these fractions was to discredit the
non-Communist leadership, in the hope that the Communist Party
would eventually gain control. Investigation uncovered a militant

14 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

Communist fraction within the local affiliate of the American Federa-
tion of Television and Radio Artists. The committee was able to
identify many of the leaders of this Communist nucleus.

The principal activity of Communists within the AFTRA local
was a campaign against so-called “blacklisting.” Through their
propaganda, these Communists had falsely convinced many fellow
entertainers that they are denied employment if they at one time
innocently supported a cause sponsored by the Communist Party.
This campaign was adopted by the Communist Party to trick non-
Commimists into supporting the efforts of party members to infiltrate
the field of entertainment. The propaganda campaign also attempted
to discredit the present officers of the AFTRA local because these
officers could not be compromised by the Communist Party members.

Under the instructions of the committee, the investigators examined
closely the question of blacklisting. They found that the major net-
works do have a policy of not hiring 'entertainers who have been
identified under oath as Communist Party members, or who themselves
have appeared under oath and refused to answer questions regarding
party membership.

There are exceptions to the enforcement of this policy, however.
For exam jile, networks broadcast or telecast “package” shows. These
are written, cast and directed under the supervision of advertising
agencies. The networks have no control over the subject pre-
sented or the entertainers used. The committee found that through
these package shows, Communist Party members and apologists have
been sent into the living room of the American home. Investigation
suggests that use of Communist entertainers has resulted from the
practice of certain advertising agencies to close their eyes to the ques-
tion of Communist affiliations and activities of various performers.

With respect to the networks, it should be noted that they are not
equipped to make investigations which would determine the identities
of entertainers who are members of or sympathetic to the Communist
Party. Furthermore, information that an entertainer has been identi-
fied as a Communist or refused to answer questions on the subject, does
not always come to the networks’ attention. For months, a network
employed an entertainer who had served a jail sentence in Washington
State, resulting from his membership in the Communist Party. An-
other network has presented the writings of an espionage suspect who
is now using an alias to cover his past activities. Most networks
which have used entertainers who are members of the Communist
Party have done so because they are unable to establish such member-
ship.

Investigation shows that if an entertainer was not used by the
networks, the reason lay in information which directly related to the
entertainer’s Communist Party membership or deliberate support of
Communist causes. On the other hand, the networks properly do not
deny employment to an entertainer who might have innocently become
involved with a Communist-engineered activity.

The value to the Communist Party of having members in entertain-
ment media has been adequately proved. During the committee’s
hearings in California, former Communists who were employed in
that State’s great entertainment industry, testified that the party used
them as propagandists. They also stated that they were required to

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN- AM E R ICAN ACTIVITIES 15

make exorbitant financial contributions to the Communist Party in
the form of dues and special assessments. One witness testified that
his payments to the party over the period of his membership totalled as
much as $20,000.

There is no question that the Communist Party likewise levies its
dues and assessments on party members employed in New York’s enter-
tainment field. The financial asset represented by these party mem-
bers increases considerably in view of the party’s practice of utilizing
their names or talent to raise funds in other quarters.

The propagandist role of a Communist entertainer in New York
may be illustrated by one of the witnesses before the committee, Peter
Lawrence, who was producing an industrial show for General Motors
at the time he was subpenaed. This concealed member of the Com-
munist Party tried to inlluence his union to join in the Communist
Party's propaganda barrage against the Government’s prosecution of
Communist leaders under the Smith Act in 1040. His petition to
union members is reprinted below to demonstrate one of the many
advantages obtained by the Communist Party from its members who
have infiltrated the entertainment industry:

Dear Equity Member :

Last week some 25 members who were among the signers of the 7-point program
petition to council met, at council's request, to select volunteers to serve on union
committees.

During the course of this meeting a discussion took place and a decision reached
that a question of vital, immediate importance to all union members, the trial of
the 12 members of the national committee of the Communist Party, deserved
serious examination and wider understanding.

The Equity members gathered that evening began to see that they had failed
to understand the direct significance of this trial to their union. The question
of the detention of President Derwent, for example, is linked with the trial.
Equity’s stand against discrimination is under examination at the trial.

The attacks against the actors in “They Shall Not Die” and the singers at
Peekskill cannot be separated from the basis of the trial in Foley Square.

In the belief that as many Equity members as possible should discuss this
matter, ask questions and arrive at fuller understanding through such procedure,
we have undertaken to call a meeting on Thursday night, September 8, at 11: 30
p. m., at the Capitol Hotel, 51st Street and 8th Avenue, to hear speakers on this
subject.

Chief speaker will be Mr. David Livingston, vice president, local 65, Wholesale
and Warehouse Workers Union. Mr. Livingston has a fine background in trade-
union action and principles and we know you will find him an exciting speaker.

In closing, we need not remind you of the historical importance of such a meet-
ing as regards our union. In addition to making certain that you attend, will
you please make arrangements NOW to bring AT LEAST TWO EQUITY MEM*
BEKS WITH YOU? Both Chorus and Actors Equity members should attend.

We cannot afford the luxury of an additional reminder, so we urge you to
make a note now of the time, date, and place.

Respectfully yours,

Peter Lawrence (s)

It will be noted that this letter attempts to obtain Equity support
for the Communist Party by exploiting the respect of Equity members
for Equity President Clarence Derwent, the desire of Equity members
to eliminate discrimination, and other interests of the unionists.
When Peter Lawrence appeared as a witness before this committee,
he was given an opportunity to disprove that his letter was a Com-
munist propaganda vehicle. He refused to explain, defend, or deny
his actions. Instead, he invoked the protection of the Constitution —
the very instrument which he and his Communist cohorts would
destroy.

16 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

NEW YORK— NEIGHBORHOOD GROUPS

Communist Party operations on a neighborhood level were revealed
with unprecedented accuracy and detail as a result of the testimony
of Mrs. Mildred Blauvelt last year.

Mrs. Blauvelt is a detective with the New York City Police Depart-
ment, who was assigned by the department to act as undercover opera-
tive within the Communist Party. She served in this capacity from
April 1043 until November 1951.

The committee held 4 full days of hearings to receive the exhaustive
evidence which Mrs. Blauvelt had gathered during her many years
as a member of various Communist Party clubs in Manhattan and
Brooklyn. Mrs. Blauvelt had often held office in these clubs, serving
at times as treasurer, financial secretary, press director, and chairman
of fund drives. She also had occasion to meet with various section
leaders who supervised Communist Party activities in larger areas
encompassing numerous local clubs. Mrs. Blauvelt made regular
reports to the New York police authorities throughout her undercover
assignment. Copies of these reports, plus numerous documents ob-
tained from the Communist Party itself, provided a solid basis of
fact for her testimony before this committee.

This committee has never before received such a complete and au-
thoritative picture of Communist activities on a community level. In
the course of her testimony, Mrs. Blauvelt named and located a total
of 44 neighborhood clubs of the Communist Party in Manhattan,
Brooklyn, and the Bronx. She also positively identified approxi-
mately 500 persons whom she had known as party members from
1943 to 1951.

A neighborhood club of the Communist Party is composed of persons
who live in proximity to one another and who are not assigned to
other party clubs organized on the basis of a member’s place of em-
ployment or profession. The main objective of these neighborhood
clubs was to sow the poisonous seed of subversion among loyal resi-
dents and organizations located in the club’s vicinity.

Club members sought to influence their non-Communist neighbors
by distributing Communist literature; soliciting subscriptions to open
or disguised Communist publications; and collecting signatures or
funds to be used in Communist propaganda campaigns. The more re-
ceptive residents of a community often were deceived into joining front
organizations of the party. Many were eventually recruited into the
party club itself.

Communists who operated from neighborhood clubs were instructed
to join or to assist in establishing community organizations devoted
to popular issues such as schools, nurseries, and rent control in order
to gain a voice for the party in community affairs. Communists were
specifically ordered to be active in consumer and tenant councils,
parent-teacher associations, political-action committees, and the
YMCA and YWCA. The Communists were particularly anxious that
their members enter rightwing, conservative organizations in an effort
“to influence them to think along Connnunist Party lines,” Mrs.
Blauvelt reported.

The inner workings of Communist Party clubs in regard to such
matters as fund raising, party discipline, and security measures were
described in unusual detail by Mrs. Blauvelt.

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 17

Members of Communist neighborhood clubs were continually con-
tributing money as a result of annual fund drives and innumerable
“emergency” fund drives which were held by the national organiza-
tion of the Communist Party. The quota of a single club could run
as high as $3,000. “The comrades were just being bled,” Mrs. Blait-
velt said, yet there was no specific accounting to these local party
members on the use of the funds. During one annual fund-raising
campaign in which the Brooklyn quota was $185,000, Mrs. Blauvelt
was able to determine that 10 percent of the money would be dis-
tributed among local clubs, 10 percent would go to section leaders,
1 percent to the front organization, the Civil Bights Congress, and
the remaining 70 percent to unknown quarters. Some emergency-
fund drives were held to meet the expenses of a political election cam-
paign or the legal defense of Communist leaders facing prosecution
under the Smith Act.

For her outstanding services as an undercover agent, Mrs. Blauvelt
has been awarded a police department citation for exceptional merit.
This award is given for “an act of bravery intelligently performed
involving risk of life,” and Mrs. Blauvelt is the first woman in the
New York City Police Department to receive such recognition.

This committee is indebted to Mrs. Blauvelt for the vast amount of
information given the committee in her detailed and meticulously
prepared testimony. Her services to the committee add much to the
already extensive information heretofore accumulated on the Com-
munist conspiracy. The committee commends the New York City
Police Department for its foresight in taking early cognizance of the
Communist menace and assigning Mrs. Blauvelt to her undercover
role.

NEWARK, N. J., AREA

A detailed expose of Communist activities in the Newark, N. J., area
resulted from on-the-spot hearings held by the committee May 16
through 19, 1955.

The committee hearings spotlighted for the first time in the Newark
area Communist machinations directed against labor, education, other
professional groups, and the Newark community in general. Vari-
ous New Jersey officials of the Communist Party, as well as repre-
sentatives of the party : s most powerful front organization, the Civil
Rights Congress, were called as witnesses to develop a rounded picture
of Communist operations in that locality.

The names of some 75 Communist Party members in Newark had
been supplied to the committee by a former FBI undercover agent,
who operated in the Newark area from 1942 to 1951. The identity
of this operative within the Communist Party was withheld by the
committee in response to a request from the executive branch of the
Government. Further valuable information on the identity and de-
signs of Communists in the Newark area was furnished in the course
of public hearings by Ernst S. Pollock, Anthony DeAquino, and
Julius Kolovetz, all former members of the Communist Party, who
also held office in Newark locals of district 4 of the United Electrical,
Radio, and Machine Workers of America.

Evidence of the continued Communist domination of the UE was
graphically presented by these witnesses. Their testimony was bol-
stered by the appearance before the committee of 12 current officials,

H. Kept. 1G4S, 84-2-

4

18 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

organizers or employees of the UE in the Newark area. The 12 con-
sistently invoked their constitutional privilege against self-incrimina-
tion in refusing to answer questions by the committee, despite previous
testimony placing these individuals in the Communist Party. Top
official among the 12 was James McLeish, Sr., president of UE District
Council 4, who administers union affairs in southern New York and
northern New Jersey from headquarters in Newark.

The now familiar pattern of a handful of Communists wielding
iron control over union locals composed of hundreds' of members was
outlined again at the Newark hearings. Witness Pollock had joined
the Communist Party with the understanding that such membership
was essential to his holding the positions of international organizer
and local president in the UE. lie described Communist Party
caucuses at which 7 or 8 Communist Party members decided what the
union would do at its regular meetings. Union funds were diverted
to various projects of the Communist Party and its front organizations
and to subscriptions to Communist publications under the guidance
of this minority, whose rule was facilitated by failure of the majority
of union members to attend union meetings.

An extraordinary and courageous fight, waged by a handful of
loyal American trade unionists against strongly entrenched Com-
munist leaders of a UE local in Newark, was related to the committee
by Anthony DeAquino and Julius Kolovetz. The two witnesses
testified that, as members of UE Local 447 representing some 5,000
employees, they were disgusted to find that Communists “owned
the union, lock, stock, and barrel and treasury” and “did anything
they wanted and how they wanted to do it.” Mr. DeAquino and Mr.
Kolovetz decided to join the Communist Party cell within the union
in order to gather evidence for a showdown fight with the Communists
for control of the union. While posing as Communists, the two men
obtained firsthand lessons in totalitarian methods. They observed
the Communists’ complete disregard for union rules whenever the
interests of the Communist Party came in conflict. They saw union
funds drained off for Communist Party campaigns and front organi-
zations; they participated in a Communist-led strike involving no
legitimate labor issue; and they obtained documentary evidence that
worker seniority records were tampered with in order to save the jobs
of Communists at the expense of loyal employees.

When this evidence was finally presented to the total membership
of local 447, Communists were voted out of control. But not before
the two witnesses suffered physical violence from Communist gangs
as well as fantastic smear attacks. Mr. DeAquino was represented as
a safe-robber to the union membership and diabolic attempts were
made to break up his home. Furthermore, to circumvent Communist
chicanery in the crucial union election which ousted the Communists,
loyal unionists were required to go to the considerable expense of
hiring the services of the Honest Ballot Association.

This aggressive action by Mr. DeAquino and Mr. Kolovetz in fight-
ing Communist domination of their union is without comparison in
the record of this committee’s hearings. The committee expresses its
admiration of these trade unionists and hopes that their story may
prove profitable to other loyal unionists who are still victims of a
ruthless Communist leadership. The extreme difficulties, and indeed

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 19

actual physical dangers, involved in the removal of Communists in
control of unions, demonstrate the need for a speedy application of
legislation enacted last year to curb Communist domination of unions.
The legislation, which was recommended by this committee, will strip
unions of bargaining rights before the National Labor Relations*
Board when the Subversive Activities Control Board has determined
such unions to be Communist-infiltrated and controlled.

In the course of the Newark hearings, the committee also inquired
into the operation of a well-organized bail fund campaign of the
Civil Rights Congress of New Jersey. Investigation had revealed
that solicitation was successful among well-meaning New Jersey resi-
dents who were unaware of the purposes of the bail fund. The parent
organization, the Civil Rights Congress, has been raising bail money
for Communist leaders convicted under the Smith Act and for other
party purposes. The absence of Communist court cases in New Jersey
raised the logical question of whether funds raised in that State were
being transmitted to New York Communists.

David Rocklin and Lewis Moroze, treasurer and assistant treasurer,
respectively, of the bail fund in New Jersey, were summoned before
the committee but invoked the fifth amendment when asked whether
or not the funds raised by the Civil Rights Congress in New Jersey
had been forwarded to other States to be used as bail money for Smith
Act defendants in those States. The two witnesses also invoked their
constitutional privilege when questioned about Communist Party ac-
tivities, although both individuals had been previously identified
before the committee as members of the Communist Party.

Evidence introduced at the hearing revealed that the bail fund
campaign was patterned after a corporate financing system. In re-
turn for a substantial donation, a donor received an official certificate
of deposit bearing a number and a vaguely worded promise that the
funds would be used for “bail for defendants in cases involving
violation of civil rights.” While the donation was called a non-
interest-bearing loan, there was actually no assurance that the money
would be returned to the donor because the certificate stated the return
was conditioned upon the “safety” of the individuals for whom bail
had been posted. Both the disposition of the funds and the “safety”
of returning the loan were left to the judgment of a 4-man board of
trustees — 3 of whom have been identified as Communist Party mem-
bers before this committee.

The committee hopes that its exposure of the dubious character of
the bail fund certificates and the subversive connections of fund of-
ficials will seiwe to curtail the ability of this Communist- front organ-
ization to reap financial support in Newark as well as other communi-
ties.

Preliminary committee investigations had revealed the existence in
Newark of highly secret Communist Party clubs composed of profes-
sional persons. The committee subpenaed Estelle Laba, Perry Zim-
merman, and Robert Lowenstein, Newark public school teachers, and
Frances Ormond, director of a private nursery school in Irvington,
N. J., in the hope that they would provide information on the objects
and success of the Communist Party among teachers. These four
individuals had been identified as members of the Communist Party in
Newark. All took refuge in the fifth amendment to avoid answering

20 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

questions of the committee. The teachers were subsequently suspended
by the Newark Board of Education.

The committee received a similar lack of cooperation from a doctor
of medicine who, the committee knew, was in a position to offer ex-
tensive information on the operation of a Communist Party club in
Newark composed exclusively of members of the medical profession.
Other witnesses who invoked the fifth amendment in the course of the
hearings included Solomon Golat, a lawyer associated with the Civil
Eights Congress of New Jersey, Charles Nusser, then executive secre-
tary of the Communist Party of New Jersey, and Joseph Fisher, labor
secretary for the New Jersey Communist Party.

FOET WAYNE, IND., AEEA

The committee’s continued investigation into Communist-dominated
unions last year produced documented proof that leaders of such unions
have misappropriated workers’ dues for Communist Party purposes.

Proof was obtained in the course of preparations for committee
hearings on the activities of District 9 of the United Electrical, Eadio,
and Machine Workers of America. This district has headquarters
in Fort Wayne, Ind., and supervises the affairs of local unions in both
Indiana and Michigan.

The national organization of UE was expelled from the CIO in
1949 because of the union’s flagrant subservience to the Communist
Party line. The committee scheduled an investigation and hearing
in 1955 to determine whether the district office which guides locals in
two important Midwest States was continuing the discredited policies
of the national UE and placing Communist Party objectives above
union interests.

Investigation preceding the hearings showed that District 9 of UE
was in fact operating under the control of Communists and their
apologists, with workers’ interests only a secondary concern when
party purposes conflicted. In the course of this investigation, the
committee obtained the official minutes of various meetings of the
executive board of UE District 9. These documents contained in-
controvertible evidence that the leadership of District 9 had diverted
workers’ union dues to the support of the Communist Party.

The minutes obtained by the committee covered meetings of the
District 9 executive board held on December 16, 1950; February 2,
1952; March 28, 1952; September 10, 1952 ; and October 6, 1952. With
the record of only five executive board meetings in its possession, the
committee can document the appropriation of more than $2,000 to
Communist causes. The committee finds this practice particularly
reprehensible in view of the fact that this money came from dues
paid by workers who sincerely believed they were strengthening legiti-
mate labor objectives. Less than 5 percent of the workers represented
by Communist union leadership are members of or sympathetic to
the Communist Party. Therefore, 95 percent of the membership of
such unions are loyal Americans unwillingly or unwittingly forced
to help finance a subversive conspiracy whose ultimate aim would
destroy the very concept of a free labor movement.

Among the Communist organizations to which the district 9 execu-
tive board diverted workers’ dues are the National Negro Labor Coun-
cil, which has been cited as subversive by the Attorney General, and

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 21

the Prisoners' Belief Committee, which solicited financial help for
Communist Party leaders arrested under the Smith Act. District 9
also ‘‘generously” gave away workers’ money to such notorious indi-
viduals as Harry Bridges and Harold Christoffel. Harry Bridges
had been seeking funds to fight deportation proceedings. Harold
Christoffel was active with other Communists in the Allis-Clialmers
strike, which attempted to sabotage war production during the Ilitler-
Stalin pact. He had sought funds to defend himself against a perjury
conviction resulting from his appearance before the House Committee
on Education and Labor. By no stretch of the imagination can these
expenditures serve the interests of any worker or union.

A number of present or former leaders in the affairs of TJE Dis-
trict 9 were summoned to appear before the committee in public hear-
ing in order to explore more fully the Communist abuse of the concept
of unionism.

Witnesses heard by the committee included : John T. Gojack, presi-
dent of UE District 9: David Mates, a UE international organizer
assigned to district 9; and Julia Jacobs, former secretary to John Go-
jack in Fort Wayne, Ind., and at the time of her appearance office sec-
retary of UE Local 931 in St. Joseph, Mich. These witnesses refused
to answer all questions put to them by the committee regarding Com-
munist influences in their union. All but one invoked the fifth amend-
ment when questioned concerning charges regarding their own mem-
bership in the Communist Party.

Mr. Gojack invoked the first amendment in abusive and contemptu-
ous testimony before the committee, and the House of [Representatives
has formally requested the Department of Justice to institute legal
proceedings against Mr. Gojack for contempt of Congress.

The attitude of Mr. Gojack before the committee belied his profes-
sions of concern for the rights of organized labor. So does his record
of energetic support of the Communist Party over a period of many
years.

Julia Jacobs, the office secretary of local 931, St. Joseph, Mich., is
a Communist servitor whom the Communists have moved about at will.
When she was identified as a Communist Party member in Ohio and
her usefulness impaired, she was moved to Fort Wayne, Ind., where
she became a secretary to John Gojack. Alien need for a militant
Communist became vital in St. Joseph, Mich,, she was again moved. In
St. Joseph, Mich., she devoted much of her effort to deceiving workers
into believing that support of the Communist Party and its members
was support of the trade-union movement as a whole.

22 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

David Mates, the UE international organizer, has been a Commu-
nist Party functionary for years* Evidence in the possession of the
committee indicates that he was chairman of the Labor Commission
of the Communist Party for Michigan. Mr. Mates was responsible
for the employment of many Communists in union local offices. In
this manner, the Communist Party always had informers in the midst
of the workers.

The committee has been trying to determine whether or not these
informers are utilized by the Communist Party for the purpose of
industrial espionage. The three aforementioned witnesses possess
important knowledge which could assist the committee in its investi-
gation of this type of Communist subversion. Their refusal to answer
questions thwarted the legislative process to an extent only the wit-
nesses themselves know. Fortunately, documents obtained during
the investigation added much to the knowledge which the Congress
possesses on the international Communist conspiracy as it relates to
the labor movement.

MILWAUKEE, WIS., AREA

Communist strategy in infiltrating youth groups, adult community
organizations, and defense industry in the Milwaukee, Wis., area was
exposed by the committee in the course of public hearings which were
held in that city on March 28, 29, and 30, 1955, and continued in Wash-
ington, D. C., on May 3, 1955.

Tactics used to recruit youth into the Communist Party were
graphically described by James Eggleston and Michael Ondrejka.
In the late 194CTs, these two young witnesses had joined the youth
section of the Communist Party in Milwaukee as undercover agents
for the FBI. They subsequently worked with the adult leadership
of the party, continuing such activity up to 1955.

Mr. Eggleston testified that the primary objective of Communist
Party youth was to infiltrate and gain control of various non -Commu-
nist youth organizations in the community. Mr. Ondrejka added that
this infiltration program extended to church organizations and that
Communist youth were instructed to join Catholic, Jewish and Meth-
odist groups. The young Communists operated in response to orders
from adult party leaders in the area, the witnesses said.

The Communists’ most effective tool for recruiting additional young
people into the party was the “front organization,” which was created
by the Communist Party but paraded as a legitimate community activ-
ity, according to this testimony. Both Mr. Eggleston and Mr.
Ondrejka held office in the Young Progressives of America, a front
organization which they said became a “stepping stone” to the Com-
munist Party for many youths. Any youth could join the YPA,
which lured members by its social-activities program. Communists
in control of the organization, however, watched for likely candidates
for Communist Party membership and pushed such youths into in-
creasingly closer contact with the party. Members of the YPA could
“graduate” into the openly Marxist Labor Youth League and even-
tually into the party itself. Following is an excerpt from Mr.
Eggleston’s testimony on this recruitment process:

Mr. Eggleston. To classify these organizations into, say, steppingstones, the
Young Progressives of America was at the bottom of the list. They would take

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 23

in mombors who came in with a common interest on any subject, very broad.
When you came into IP A you were just another member. You bad no special
qualifications whatsoever. After staying in that organization for some time you
could elevate yourself to a Labor Youth League and then from the Labor Youth
League you would go right into the party. It was merely a training pro-
gram * * *.

Mr. T avion nek. What was the nature of the training program that was offered?

Mr. Euoi.estox. To find out or a feeler to lind out how the individual felt on
certain issues, as to whether they eoukl work on peace petitions, whether they
would go and pass out leallets and so forth. If you could do all of those things,
>ou automatically elevate yourself to these other organizations.

The testimony of Mr. Eggleston and Mr. Ondrejka was dramatically
corroborated by Merle Snyder, who bared bis own tragic experience
of devoting 4 years of his life to an organization which he finally
realized was only destroying his ability to be a lo}Til citizen. Mr.
Snyder told the committee that he had been recruited into the Com-
munist Party in the exact manner described by the FBI’s undercover
agents. His “steppingstones,” lie said, were the Young Progressives
of America, and its adult counterpart in 'Wisconsin, the People's
Progressive Party.

Michael Ondrejka testified that, as he advanced in years, he also
advanced into the realm of adult Communist Party activity. He
emerged from the youth section in 1951, when Communist Party units
were reduced to a minimum of 3 or 4 members as part of security
measures then rigidly enforced by the party. Mr. Ondrejka was
employed at that time with the Allen-Bradley Co., a manufacturer
of electronic equipment in Milwaukee.

The Communist Party, in line with its long-standing policy of
infiltrating vital defense industry, realized the value of having an
active party organization within the Allen-Bradley Co. Mr. On-
drejka and John J. Killian, a fellow employee, were assigned the
task of forming the nucleus of this organization. At a later time,
the two were joined by Mrs. Darina Rasmussen, an officeworker with
the local union holding bargaining rights for Allen-Bradley employ-
ees. Both Mr. Killian and Mrs. Rasmussen appeared before the com-
mittee and invoked their privilege under the fifth amendment when
questioned concerning the activities of this Communist cell.

Testimony taken by the committee in previous years has shown
that the Communist Party, as a result of the arrest and conviction
of its leaders under the Smith Act, has ordered many functionaries
to drop open-party activities and go “underground/ 5 The committee
has been of the opinion for some time that this action of the party has
served to defeat two of its major objectives: The recruitment of
members and the dissemination of propaganda. A striking con-
firmation of this committee view was produced at the Milwaukee
hearings during the testimony of Sigmund Eisenscher, present State
chairman of the Communist Party of Wisconsin.

Evidence introduced in the course of his testimony showed that
Mr. Eisenscher was “absent from the State on official party business'’
from 1951 until the summer of 1954. It was apparent that Air.
Eisenscher was actually “underground’' at the direction of the Com-
munist Party during that period. He returned to open-party work
in Milwaukee in the summer of 1954, even though he ran the risk of
prosecution under the Smith Act. Evidence in the hands of the com-
mittee indicated that the purpose of his return was to “bolster the

24 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

failing party organization in the State .’ 5 Mr. Eisenscher invoked
the fif tli amendment in response to committee questions regarding his
activities in the Communist Party.

LOS ANGELES AND SAN DIEGO, CALIF.

Vast new knowledge regarding the membership and activities of
the Communist Party in southern California was obtained by this
committee during 17 days of hearings in that State last year. A
total of 38 witnesses was heard by the committee, which held its
sessions in Los Angeles with the exception of a 2-day hearing in
San Diego.

More than 1,000 members of the Communist Party in Los Angeles
County were identified by witness William Ward Ivimple, former
undercover operative within the Communist Party for the Los Angeles
Police Department, Mr. Ivimple also verified approximately 300 docu-
ments exposing Communist Party objectives and activities in that
area. This witness had worked within the Communist Party from
July of 1928 until September 1939.

Documented testimony on Communist Party activities in Los An-
geles County, with particular emphasis on southwest Los Angeles,
was also presented in the testimony of Stephen Wereb. Mr. Wereb
served as an FBI undercover agent within the Communist Party from
October 1943 until the beginning of 1948. Anita Bell Schneider, who
operated within the party for the FBI from August 1951 to December
1954, brought the committee up to date on Communist leadership and
objectives in both Los Angeles and San Diego.

The testimony of William Ward Ivimple provided the most de-
tailed and documented evidence ever received by the committee on
Communist operations in Los Angeles County during the 1930’s. The
committee held 9 days of hearings solely to receive the testimony of
this former undercover police agent.

Mr. Ivimple had access to this evidence as a result of the position
he attained as assistant to the membership director of the Los Angeles
County ( Communist Party. It was Mr. Ivimple’s duty to keep Commu-
nist Party membership records, to assist in the annual registration
of party members and in the annual issuance of party membership
books, and to facilitate the transfer of party members from one unit
to another. This undercover agent was also required by the party
itself to know the location of every party member and to observe
whether each was properly carrying out various party assignments.

The voluminous documentary material which Mr, Ivimple reviewed
in the course of his appearance before the committee was, in most
instances, obtained by himself or by his former wife, Clara Osvald
Ivimple, deceased, also an undercover agent for the Los Angeles police
authorities. Some of this material had been obtained by the committee
from other sources. Included among these hundreds of documents
were membership lists of Communist Party cells in Los Angeles,
Orange, and San Diego Counties; original membership and dues
books of various individuals in the party; applications for party
membership; and membership lists of Communist Party front organ-
izations. One of the documents is the Communist Party’s record of its
registration of all party members in Los Angeles County in 1939.
The material also involves various party directives as well as reports

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 25

bv official Coiniminist bodies such as the Los Angeles County Disci-
plinary Committee.

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PEACE CRUSADE

In the course of its hearings in California, the committee made
special inquiry into the nature and activities of the Southern Cali-
fornia Peace Crusade, a propaganda group with headquarters in Los
Angeles.

Anita Bell Schneider, undercover operative within the Communist
Party for the FBI from 1951 through 1951, presented valuable testi-
mony on the operations of this organization. Although she lived in
San Diego, she traveled frequently to Los Angeles and other Cali-
fornia communities on party business. Among the Communist Party
members in Los Angeles with whom she worked was Peter Ilyun,
executive director of the Southern California Peace Crusade, Mrs.
Schneider herself was assigned by the Communist Party to work with
the peace crusade, which she clearly labeled as a party project to dis-
seminate prevailing Soviet propaganda.

On the instructions of Peter Hyun, Mrs. Schneider was installed as
chairman of the San Diego Peace Forum, a counterpart of the Los
Angeles organization. While the San Diego group professed to be
autonomous, Mrs. Schneider testified that she periodically visited Los
Angeles to make progress reports to Mr. Ilyun and receive additional
directions from him on the operations of the forum. She also attended
executive board meetings of the Southern California Peace Crusade.

Mrs. Schneider stated that the Southern California Peace Crusade,
the Northern California Peace Crusade, and the San Diego Peace
Forum were branches of a national organization known as the Ameri-
can Peace Crusade. The American Peace Crusade was subdivided
into these ostensibly autonomous local organizations in accordance
with a strategy taught by the Chinese Communist leader Mao
Tse-tung. Mrs." Schneider said. The value of this subdivision lay in
the fact that the whole propaganda operation would not be jeopardized
by the exposure of any single unit as a Communist front.

"The secretary of the Southern California Peace Crusade, Mrs. Sue
Lawson, was thereafter called to testify before the committee. Mrs.
Lawson has been identified as a Communist Party member by a num-
ber of witnesses in previous committee hearings. She invoked the
fifth amendment, however, in response to all questions regarding the
Communist Party and the peace crusade.

The Committee on Un-American Activities cited the American
Peace Crusade as a front organization of the Communist Party in a
report issued on April 25, 1951. From evidence obtained through
investigation and testimony in 1955, the committee concludes that the
same subversive intent which it found in the American Peace Crusade
is inherent in its branches : the Southern California Peace Crusade, the
Northern California Peace Crusade, and the San Diego Peace Forum.
All of these misnamed “peace” organizations continue to have a com-
mon objective: The dissemination of Communist propaganda aimed
at discrediting the United States and promoting a dangerous relaxa-
tion in the ideological and military strength of our country.

Mrs. Schneider also described the efforts of the Communists to infil-
trate churches in San Diego. Mrs. Schneider herself was instructed to

26 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

infiltrate two local churches on different occasions. The purpose of
this Communist effort was to obtain influence over the ministers, the
members ox the various congregations, and social action groups where
such existed. Mrs. Schneider related that when the Communists were
expelled from the San Diego First Unitarian Church by the pastor,
Peter Samson, they set up a competitive organization, the Community
Unitarian Fellowship. This was designed to operate as a “nonreli-
gious" front organization, and a number of unsuspecting members of
the First Unitarian Church were duped into joining it, Airs. Schneider
said. The Communist group was refused recognition both by the San
Diego Unitarian Church and by the American Unitarian Association,
the parent body of Unitarian churches in America.

GEORGE HUGH HARDYMAN

George Hugh Ilardvman was questioned by the committee on June
28 and 20, 1055, regarding a speaking campaign which he con-
ducted in Iron Curtain countries and in the United States under the
sponsorship of the aforementioned Southern California Peace
Crusade.

Air. Handyman is a retired citrus rancher living in Topanga, Calif.
A Britisher by birth, he immigrated to the United States in the early
1920’s and has since become a naturalized American citizen.

Evidence introduced at the hearing showed that Air. Hardyman was
part of a 14-member delegation from the United States to an Asian
and Pacific Peace Conference held in Peking, China, in November
1052. The trip to China was sponsored by the Southern California
Peace Crusade. In his passport application, which must be sworn to
by the applicant, Air. Hardyman had informed the State Department
that he intended to travel to “Australia, Canton Islands, etc.” for
pleasure and to visit his brother. It was State Department policy at
that time to stamp all passports “Not valid for travel in China.”

During the month preceding the conference in China, Air. Hardy-
man is known to have obtained from the Czechoslovakian Embassy in
Paris a visa to enter that Iron Curtain country. By early November
he had arrived in China where he was represented as being deputy
director of the American delegation to the Asian and Pacific Peace
Conference.

Air. Hardyman delivered a speech in China which was recorded for
rebroadcast to other parts of the world. In it, he callously accused
the United States of perpetrating a crime against mankind by waging
germ warfare in Korea, among other charges. Typical of his speech
is the following excerpt:

The Conference condemned vigorously the actions by our Government, espe-
cially the use of biological warfare for the spreading of disease in Korea and
northeast China. A careful study of the report of the International Scientific
Commission and the extensive collection of evidence on exhibition here, includ-
ing the handwritten testimony of four of our pilots and the tape records of
their voices, have left not the slightest doubt in the minds of any delegates to
this Conference, including the 14 delegates from the United States, that our
Government has used this revolting method of warfare on a wide scale, but the
blame for this crime against mankind was never once placed on us, the American
people.

A similar speech was delivered later by Mr. Hardyman in Warsaw,
Poland. Upon his return to the United States, he was utilized exten-

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 27

sivelv by the Southern California Peace Crusade for the purpose of
propagating* similar Communist lies in this country.

In his appearance as a witness before the committee in June, Mr.
Hardyman refused to answer all questions regarding his trip behind
the Iron Curtain and his activities in Communist “peace” projects on
the ground of possible self-incrimination. The witness has never been
identified before the committee as a member of the Communist Party,
and he denied at the hearing that lie has ever held such membership.
Unfortunately, Mr. Hardyman at the same time took the opportunity
to repeat his heinous and utterly ridiculous charge that the United
States waged germ warfare during the Korean war.

This committee was greatly disturbed to learn that our enemies
obtained freely from Mr. Hardyman the same treasonous statements
which they were simultaneously trying to force from American
prisoners of war by brainwashings and other tortures. It is unfor-
tunate that American soldiers can be prosecuted for cooperating with
the enemy in such circumstances while persons like Mr. Hardyman
escape punishment.

The committee has submitted a record of Mr. Ilardymaivs testimony
to the Department of Justice, with the request that the Department
analyze the evidence and determine whether or not this witness can
be prosecuted for his treasonable activities behind the Iron Curtain.
The committee has also asked the Department of Justice to institute
immediate legal proceedings against Mr. Hardyman for falsifying a
sworn passport application.

KOREAN INDEPENDENCE

The Korean Independence , a bilingual Ivorean-English newspaper,
has been published in Los Angeles since approximately 1913. Inves-
tigation conducted prior to the committee hearings in the past year
established that the Korean Independence is exclusively a vehicle
for Communist Party propaganda. The newspaper is circulated
among persons of Korean descent for the purpose of popularizing
the policies of the Soviet Union, the North Korean Government, and
the Communist conspiracy in America. The Southern California
Peace Crusade and similar Communist fronts have received strong
support in the columns of this publication.

The editor of the publication is Kim Kang, also known as Kim Dia-
mond. an alien born in North Korea. Party documents in the com-
mittee's possession indicate that the west-coast Communists of Ko-
rean descent consider Mr. Kim's publication an “organ” of the Com-
munist Party and that Mr. Kim's address has been used as a mail drop
for communications between the Communist Government of North
Korea and west-coast Communists. The documents also indicate
that Mr. Kim himself has been in communication with the Govern-
ment of North Korea. When questioned regarding this evidence,
Mr. Kim invoked the fifth amendment to the United States Constitu-
tion. to which he neither owes nor has pledged allegiance and for
which he cares naught. Mr. Kim was ordered deported as long ago as
April 1943. Through a variety of legal maneuvers, however, he has
been able to remain in this country up to the present time.

28 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

The committee’s hearings in Los Angeles and San Diego heard a
number of other witnesses who were called in connection with a con-
tinuing inquiry into Communist activities within the motion-picture
industry, education, labor, and such front organizations as the Inde-
pendent Progressive Party. The committee developed extensive in-
formation on a Communist-operated summer camp near Los Angeles
known as the Ormsby Village for Youth. This investigation is de-
scribed in detail in a special section of this report dealing with summer
camps.

SEATTLE, WASH., AKEA

Communist objectives and accomplishments in the Pacific North-
west were the subject of continued committee inquiry in 1055.

The committee held sessions in Seattle, Wash., on March IT, 18,
and 19, 1955, to take testimony of witnesses who could not be heard
when the committee held its first hearings in that area in 1954. The
committee also desired to explore additional evidence of Communist
Party activities obtained through continuing staff investigations.

Eugene Dennett, who rose to responsible posts in the party organ-
ization of the Pacific Xorthwest during the period from 1931 to 1947,
gave the committee comprehensive, documented evidence regarding
the successes and failures of Communist strategy in Washington and
Oregon. Communist activities in both States were supervised by a
district bureau of the Communist Party and a smaller secretariat
within the bureau; Mr. Dennett had been a member of each of these
important Communist units. Throughout his membership in the
party Mr. Dennett collected Communist directives and literature in
such volume that the committee staff has not yet been able to complete
an evaluation of the material.

The testimony of Mr. Dennett bared 1G years of Communist duplic-
ity directed against the population of the Pacific Xorthwest. He
described the strategy and accomplishments of the party in using such
front organizations as the Unemployed Councils and the Trade Union
Unity League in the very early 1930’s, the Workers’ Alliance and the
Washington Commonwealth Federation which appeared later, and
the Washington Pension Union still operating in that locality today.

How Communists seize and corrupt worthy organizations for their
own unscrupulous purposes was illustrated by Mr. Dennett’s testimony
regarding the Washington Pension Union. Corroborating and elabo-
rating on evidence produced at the 1954 hearings of the committee, Mr.
Dennett stated that this* Communist front developed out of a sincere
movement by retired persons for improved pension benefits. The
Communist Party concentrated on getting its members into positions
of leadership in the Old Age Pension Union, as the movement was then
designated. Although anti-Communists had headed the union, Mr.
Dennett said that Communists obtained control by carrying on “a re-
lentless struggle for better and more welfare assistance to the aged
people so as to insure their loyalty and support” to Communist leaders.
The purpose of this Communist control, however, was “to be certain
that a large body of people became ardent supporters’ and friends of
the Soviet Union so that it would be possible to defend the political
policies of the Communist Party in that respect and to give assist-
ance to the Communist program in this area.” Mr. Dennett testi-

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE OX UN- AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 29

fied that the Communist Party considered the pension organization to
be a special prize because of the political influence it could wield.
He said.

* * * here was a potential group of people capable of doing enormous amounts
of political work. Remember, please, their situation : They were retired ; they
had ceased working daily on a job. Therefore, they had the leisure time to do
what they wanted to do in most instances * * *. The result was that some of
these people could go out and peddle leaflets and knock on doors. They consti-
tuted an enormous political strength. And the Communist Party conceived
the idea that these people certainly would be the most able people to carry on
political programs if they could be won to support such a program * * *.

Subsequent testimony taken by the committee in Seattle showed
that the Washington Pension Union, under Communist control, did
achieve a ‘‘tremendous 55 influence with political parties in the State.

Communist miscalculations in the struggle for political influence
were also related by Mr. Dennett. For example, in an effort to capi-
talize on a certain popular issue, the Communists committed them-
selves to support a legislative measure which was submitted to the
voters in a statewide election. The Communists thereafter decided
it “would be smarter politically 55 if the measure were not adopted.
To resolve this predicament, the Communists embarked on a vigorous
preelection campaign, in which they represented themselves to the
voters' as being in favor of the legislation but explained the measure
in such a way as to convince listeners they should vote against it. The
measure was defeated as a result of these tactics, Mr. Dennett said.

An unusually important document which Mr. Dennett submitted
into the record of the hearing exposes the Communist theory of or-
ganization in a detail rarely seen by this committee. This document,
entitled “How the Communist International Formulates at Present
the Problem of Organization," was written by a Russian Communist,
but it became law for local Communist Party leaders such as Mr.
Dennett. Although the words were originally written in 1030, the
committee observes a startling parallel between the theory laid clown
in this document and the current practices of the Communist Party
in America. The Soviet writer outlined a system of secret organi-
zation and communications for Communist parties in countries where
such activities are considered illegal ; the system is applicable to the
party in this country today. Methods of infiltrating industry and
various community organizations were set down step by step in the
document; they match the actual experiences related by many former
Communists who have appeared before this committee.

This document deserves close study by anyone who seeks to under-
stand the motivations and operations of the Communist Party. There-
fore, extensive excerpts from the document have been reprinted as
appendix II to this report.

NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO SECURE JUSTICE IN THE
ROSENBERG CASE

Hearings on the National Committee To Secure Justice in the Rosen-
berg Case, and its affiliates, held in Washington, D. C., August 2-5,
1955, clearly established the fact that the organizations were created
and directed by the Communist Party.

30 ANNUAL REPORT. COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

Testimony relating to the major areas where the Rosenberg cam-
paign was conducted disclosed that the leadership was tightly in the
hands of Communist Party members, working through the party or
through its auxiliaries such as the Civil Rights Congress. The na-
tional committee had a concealed Communist as president, Ron is
Harap, editor of the Communist magazine Jewish Life. Leaders of
the Rosenberg organizations in Boston, Philadelphia, Washington,
D. C., Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, Milwaukee, and Los Angeles were
all identified as Communist Party members.

The testimony of various witnesses disclosed that the primary pur-
poses of the organization — nominally created to “defend" the con-
victed spies, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg — were actually: (1) to re-
vitalize the Communist rank-and-file organization by recruiting count-
less new dupes into the Communist conspiracy; (2) to provide a new
source of funds for subversive activities; and (3) to discredit the
United States and its system of justice, and to cloak purges and other
excesses in process behind the Iron Curtain.

The current campaign— aiming at the vindication of the Rosen-
bergs and tlie release of coconspirator Morton Sobell, now serving a
30-year prison term — is being conducted by the National Committee
To Secure Justice for Morton Sobell in the Rosenberg Case. This new
name for the Rosenberg organization was adopted at a national con-
ference in Chicago in October 1053. The Sobell committee has re-
quested the Senate Judiciary Committee to investigate the supposed
“injustices” in both the Rosenberg and Sobell cases.

The purpose of the committee’s hearings on the Rosenberg organ-
izations was clearly enunciated by Chairman Walter at the Opening
session :

The committee has received numerous inquiries from Members of Congress and
private citizens as to whether organizations established throughout the United
States known by various names such as “The Committee To Secure Justice in
the Rosenberg Case,” “To Secure Clemency for the Rosenbergs,” and “To Secure
Justice for Morton Sobell” are being exploited by the Communist Party for
ideological purposes as distinguished from humane purposes, and inquiring as to
the extent of Communist Party control or influence in the establishment and
operation of such organizations. In response to these inquiries, and in dis-
charge of the legislative duties placed upon this committee, the Committee on
Un-American Activities has decided to hold hearings beginning todav for the
purpose of investigating the extent, character, and objects of Communist Party
propaganda activities within such organizations.

Analyzed as a whole, the hearings unmasked the Rosenberg cam-
paign as one of the most fraudulent ventures ever foisted by the Com-
munist Party upon the American people. Throughout the Nation,
the national committee itself was able to collect some $300,000. With
the funds raised by the various local organizations — numbering more
than 40 at the peak of the campaign— a total can be estimated at
least at a half million dollars. (The Internal Revenue Bureau has
made a determination that the Rosenberg committee owes $124,121.06
in back taxes and penalties. The organization is charged with de-
ducting as operating expenses sums actually spent for propaganda
purposes, and failing to prove its income was the result of “gifts.”)
Although these funds were spent for such specific purposes as fees for
the lawyers of the condemned pair, the money in general served to
finance the single Communist objective of discrediting America and
its institutions in the eyes of the world, an4 disseminating the lie at

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 31

home and abroad that the United States is a nation ruled by “depraved
Fascists,” bent on the annihilation of minority groups and the very
idea of democracy itself.

One of the most significant disclosures of the hearings concerned
confidential memoranda in the handwriting of David Greenglass —
a coconspirator and Ethel Bosenberg’s brother — whose testimony pro-
vided the overwhelming evidence of the Bosenbergs' guilt. In an
affidavit given to this committee, Greenglass' lawyer, O. John Eogge,
stated that the documents had been filched from his files.

The documents were first published in the French press by the
French Eosenberg committee on April IS, 1953, just after Joseph
Brainin. chairman of the American Eosenberg committee, had made a
stopolf in Paris in the course of a 10-dav trip to confer with leaders of
European Eosenberg organizations. (Mr. Brainin was excused from
appearing before the committee on his physician's certification of
illness.) The documents were subsequently widely disseminated by
the Eosenberg organization in the United States.

When asked whether he or other members of the national committee
were involved in the theft of the documents, David Alman, national
committee executive secretary, refused to answer on the ground of
possible self-incrimination.

James Glatis, a volunteer FBI undercover member of the Com-
munist Party from 1949 until 1954, testified that the Boston Eosen-
berg organization was created by the Communist Party of Boston
and met initially at (lie home of Herman Tamsky, the regular meeting
place of the East Boston section of the party to which Mr. Glatis
belonged. Mr. Glatis identified both Herman Tamsky and his wife,
Florence, as members of the party. Mr. Tamsky functioned as chair-
man of the Boston Eosenberg organization. The executive secretary
was Sue Koritz, also identified by Mr. Glatis as a Communist Party
member. Her husband, Philip Koritz, also named by Mr, Glatis as
a party member, aided the Eosenberg campaign in his capacity as
chairman of the Boston Civil Eights Congress. A former organizer
for various Communist-dominated unions in the South, Mr. Koritz
was described by Mr. Glatis as being completely subject to Communist
Party discipline. Other Communist Party members identified by Mr.
Glatis as active in the Eosenberg campaign were Herbert Zimmerman,
the party's educational director; and Edith Abber, another function-
ary, both of whom were indicted by the State of Massachusetts for
teaching and advocating the overthrow of the Government by force
and violence; and one Sid Eayden. Mr. Glatis said that he partici-
pated in the Eosenberg campaign on the orders of Ann Burlak, a
member of the national committee of the American Communist Party
and a ranking official of the party’s Xew England apparatus.

The purposes of the campaign, he testified, were these:

First, the securing of financial assistance, or securing funds for the Commu-
nist Party, and, secondly, there was the necessity of using this particular issue
on a basis of propagandizing the fact that one of the reasons why the Rosenbergs
were being executed was because they were Jewish. In other words, giving them
a foundational basis for preaching there was anti-Semitism in the United States;
and, third, and most important to the Communist Party, was the feet that there
were anti-Semitic programs taking place within the Soviet Union.

The Eosenberg organization, like all Communist-front groups, Mr.
Glatis testified, further served “the basic purposes” of recruiting new

32 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

members for the party and providing additional finances for general
party work.

As for the Rosenbergs themselves, the witness declared, “the Com-
munist Party didn't give a hoot about [them] or about any of the indi-
viduals whom they allegedly supported * * * and milked to the
extent of whatever they could financially and from a propaganda
viewpoint.”

Herman Tamsky and Philip Ivoritz, in their appearance before this
committee, refused to answer any questions concerning the activities
of the Rosenberg organization or about their Communist Party mem-
bership.

The pattern of Communist organization described by Mr. Glatis
was corroborated by the testimony of Herman E. Thomas, an under-
cover member of the Lehigh Valley Communist Party apparatus;
Anzelm A. Czarnowski, of Chicago; and Milton J. Santwire, of
Detroit.

Mr. Thomas testified that the Rosenberg campaign in the vital
Lehigh Valley area was supervised directly from the Communist
Party district headquarters in Philadelphia and was carried out by
party members locally. Rosenberg literature was brought from Com-
munist sources in Philadelphia bv local Communists and occasionally
by district functionaries from the Philadelphia headquarters. “The
Communist Party in Allentown,” Mr. Thomas testified, “undertook
the responsibility of dissemination of that material.” He identified
the following as Communist Party members who were active in the
Rosenberg activities in the Allentown area; Irving Riskin, Adelaide
Riskin, Michael Freedland, Sylvia Freedland, Harriet Karol, Billie
Jane Lipsett, Ted Norton, and Maude and Scott Nichol. Ted Nor-
ton, a former librarian of Lafayette College, and Miss Lipsett were
in charge of the campaign in Easton, Pa. Mr. Thomas also described
some of the techniques of Communist finances whereby funds raised
by and for front organizations were in reality turned over directly to
the party. Sylvia Freedland and Adelaide Riskin, from Allentown;
Ted Norton, and Jean D. Frantjis, chairman of the Philadelphia
Rosenberg Committee, who was also identified by Air. Thomas as a
Communist Party member, took refuge in the fifth amendment to
avoid answering questions concerning Rosenberg activities and Com-
munist Party affiliations.

Air* Czarnowski, another volunteer FBI member of the Communist
Party, testified that Rosenberg literature in Chicago was obtained
from the Communist Party bookstore. Some of it was published by
the National Rosenberg Committee and some by the Communist Party
itself.

Mr. Tavenner. What were you tolcl to do with this material which you got
from the Communist Party bookstore dealing with the Rosenberg matter?

Mr. Czarnowski. AVe were supposed to distribute that to the public. Each
member of the Communist Party was responsible to purchase many copies and
then distribute them to the public.

Mr. Tavenner. Was that done in Chicago?

Mr. Czarnowski. Yes, sir.

Mr. Santwire testified that it was through the Communist Party
circles with which he was in contact, that he first heard of the prospec-
tive Rosenberg activity in Detroit. Mr. Santwire’s testimony dis-
closed that the Rosenberg organization in Detroit was almost

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 33

exclusively in the hands of party members and officials. One of these,
identified by Air. Santwire as an active Communist Party member,
was Anne Shore, director of organization of the Michigan Civil Rights
Congress. Others were Ethel Jaeobowitz, Gert Schatz, Philip Hal per,
Sol Grossman, Nelson Davis, Tom Crow, Art McPbaul, executive
secretary of the Michigan Civil Rights Congress, Helen Travis, and
Lydia Mates. The head of the Detroit Rosenberg organization was
Mrs. Leo (Pat) Rush, who has been identified by Mrs. Rereniece
Baldwin, in another hearing before this committee, as the former
chairman of the North Dexter Communist Party Club in Detroit.
Investigations by the committee have revealed that another leader
of the Detroit Rosenberg organization was Eve Neidelman, who was
employed at the time of her appearance before the committee by the
United Automobile Workers in Detroit. Wrappers on Rosenberg
literature found at meetings in Detroit sIioav that the material was
addressed by the national committee to Miss Neidelman. Mrs. Bald-
win has identified Miss Neidelman as former chairman of the Detroit
12th Street Communist Club. Other information available to the
committee indicates that Miss Neidelman was the private secretary
to Elmer Johnson, State secretary of the Communist Party for Dis-
trict 7 in 1943. In her appearance before this committee, Miss Neidel-
man refused to affirm or deny Communist Party membership and
similarly refused to answer all questions concerning Rosenberg
activities.

Other witnesses at the committee’s hearings were Don Rothenberg,
Washington representative of the national committee; his wife, Mil-
dred Rothenberg, executive secretary of the Cleveland Rosenberg
Committee; John B. Stone, and Ethel Weichbrod, leaders of the
Washington, D. C., Rosenberg organization; Josephine Granat, ex-
ecutive secretary of the Chicago Rosenberg Committee ; David Alman,
executive secretary of the National Rosenberg Committee; his wife,
Emily Alman, treasurer of the national committee and later executive
secretary of the National Rosenberg-Sobell Committee — the name
given the organization following the execution of the spies; Ruth
Belmont of the Chicago Rosenberg-Sobell Committee; Louis ILarap,
and John Gilman of the Milwaukee Rosenberg Committee.

Don Rothenberg, John Gilman, John Stone, Ethel Weichbrod, and
Louis Harap have all been identified in sworn testimony as mem-
bers of the Communist Party. All refused to divulge any information
on the nature and activities of that organization and on their own
status as Communist Party members. Unanimously, they exhibited
the same contempt and defiance that sealed the fate of the spies whom
they championed so vociferously.

REFERENCE SERVICE

The committee maintains a large collection of information on the
subject of subversive activities covering, in general, the years 1938 to
date, although there is a wealth of even older material on file.

This valuable collection is maintained in order to furnish reference
service not only to the committee’s own members and staff for use as
background material and actual exhibits in investigations and hearings
but to every Member of Congress who submits a written request for
information in this field.

34 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

This reference service goes far beyond the ordinary type which
simply points out the best sources of information to the person making
inquiry. Whenever references to the subject under consideration are
found in public source material, a written report of that information
is furnished setting forth, point by point, what appears and where it
appears, together with any pertinent citations by this committee or the
Attorney General on every organization involved.

Although the usefulness of this service cannot be judged entirely by
statistics, the following figures do indicate that there is great interest
in and need for the information. During 1955, more than 1,300 re-
quests were received from the Members of Congress, necessitating a
check of source material in the committee’s public records, files, and
publications for information on 4,325 individuals and 911 organiza-
tions, publications, and more general subjects. In 3,181 instances,
information was found in committee records and was compiled into
detailed reports sometimes as long as 12 to 15 pages on a single subject.

The constant use of the collection by the committee s own employees
can be only partially described by statistics. However, the reference
section staff has supplied to other staff members written reports on
1,272 individuals and 58 organizations over the past 12 months, has
given verbal answers on 2,072 persons and 1,011 organizations, and
has searched out and supplied copies of 800 or more exhibits for use in
investigations and hearings.

Stilf another service of the reference section is furnished to desig-
nated representatives from various agencies of the executive branch of
the Government, who are permitted, 4 days each week, to use the
resources available here in making security checks. It has been neces-
sary, because of comparatively limited space and facilities, to restrict
the number of agents accredited for admission as well as the amount
and type of reference service provided for them. However, the refer-
ence section staff has continued to point out sources of information and
to answer their questions concerning committee records on an average
of 12 or more times daily. A total of 3,500 visits by properly accredited
Government agents has been recorded for 1955, which in 37 percent
of the cases extended over the entire working day.

While the use of this collection grows continually, so does its use-
fulness increase by proper maintenance and the careful processing and
indexing of new additions. The care of such an extensive and varied
amount of material is within itself a task, for such material does not
become obsolete and available for discard or storage, but tends to
become more valuable and to require more careful handling as it in-
creases in age and volume.

New material, in order to be properly incorporated into the col-
lection, available for immediate use in a variety of circum-
stances, and properly reported, must be exactly classified, thoroughly
cross-referenced, and minutely indexed. Many thousands of orig-
inal and microfilm or photostatic copies of periodicals, clippings,
books, pamphlets, and other printed matter have been so processed
and added to files in the past year. Among these, perhaps the most
valuable were 215 rolls of microfilm which have for the first time
provided a complete file of the issues of the Communist papers, Daily
Worker , Daily People's World , Midivest Record , and Western
Worker , as well as a number of other publications new to the com-

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 35

mittee'S periodical files. The acquisition of microfilm lias, moreover,
released a small but important amount of space for other records,
affording some temporary relief in the critical problem of housing a
voluminous and ever-growing collection of material on a vitally
important subject.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The vast majority of the recommendations made by the Committee
on Un-American Activities have been adopted or enatced into law.
The committee notes, however, that no legislation in this field was
completed during the first session of the present Congress despite
certain measures which the committee believes deserve immediate
attention and action.

Until the courts have rendered a final determination on the consti-
tutionality of the Internal Security Act of 1050, the committee does
not believe it advisable for the Congress to undertake any broad new
legislative action against the functioning of the Communist Party.
The committee also prefers to observe the operation of the immunity
statute enacted by the last Congress before making any further recom-
mendations along this line.

Nevertheless there are certain legislative and administrative steps
which should be taken immediately in order to strengthen the hand
of our Government in dealing with the Soviet conspiracy. Four of
these measures have been previously recommended by the committee
and are resubmitted with the urgent request that decisive action be
taken before the conclusion of the 84th Congress :

1. Information obtained through surveillance by technical devices
should be permitted as evidence in matters affecting the national se-
curity, with the provision that adequate safeguards are adopted to
prevent any abuse of civil liberties.

2. The unauthorized transportation in interstate commerce of
Government documents falling within a top secret, secret, or confiden-
tial classification should be made a criminal action.

o. Persons bidding for a Government contract should be required
to file an affidavit stating he is not now and has not been within the
past 10 years a member of any organization advocating overthrow of
the Government by force and violence.

4. The statute of limitations on treason, espionage, sabotage, and
other subversive activities should be amended. Bills introduced in
the House and the Senate would amend the statute to permit prosecu-
tions up to 15 years from the time of commission of a crime, instead of
the 5 years now provided for.

In addition, the committee urges the following legislative and ad-
ministrative action in 1956 :

5. The statute of limitations for violation of section 1001 or section
16*21 of title 18, United States Code, dealing with false statements
in regard to subversive activities and connections, should be extended
to 10 years from commission of the offense by employees of the United
States or any department or agency thereof, or any applicant for such
employment.

6. The maximum penalty for seditious conspiracy, advocating over-
throw of the Government, and conspiracy to so advocate, should be
increased to $20,000 in fines and 20 years imprisonment, in order to
provide a more realistic punishment for crimes of such gravity.

36 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

This change is embodied in H. B. 2854, which was passed by the House
in 1955 at the recommendation of the House Judiciary Committee and
now awaits action by the Senate.

7. There is a need for prompt enactment of H. B. 3882, revising
existing law to require the registration of persons with knowledge of
or training in espionage, counterespionage, or sabotage tactics of a
foreign government. The House approved this bill last year but
Senate action on the measure is still needed.

8. Procedures by which congressional committees seek legal redress
against contemptuous witnesses should be streamlined in the manner
proposed by II. E. 780. Court action frequently takes 1 to 2 years
under the present cumbersome process which involves: Committee
vote, a House resolution, formal application to the United States dis-
trict attorney; grand jury indictment, and trial. Not only does the
committee fail to obtain the information desired of the witness, but
the witness often escapes punishment altogether. H. E. 780 permits
congressional committees, by majority vote, to refer a defiant witness
directly to the courts. If the court determines that a witness has
been in contempt and he so continues, the witness may then be ad-
judged in contempt of the court itself. II. E. 780 has already been
approved by the House and requires action by the Senate.

9. Willfully contradictory statements made by a witness before
Federal grand juries, Federal courts, or congressional bodies should
be punishable as perjury without the present requirement that the
Government prove which of the statements is false. Although when
two contradictory statements are made, one of them is obviously false,
the Government must now prove the falsity by testimony of 2 inde-
pendent witnesses or by the testimony of 1 witness and corroborative
evidence. Bills introduced in the House and the Senate would remedy
this situation by requiring the Government to prove only that the
statements of a witness are themselves contradictory — provided that
they are willful, concern material matters, and are made within 3
years of one another.

10. Eecommendation is hereby made that the Attorney General
continue his efforts for stricter enforcement of section 242 of the Wal-
ter-McCarran Immigration and Nationality Act providing for the
detention of aliens whose deportation has not been effected. Such
action would prevent the anomaly of deportable Communists, such
as Kim Diamond and David Ilyun, continuing to remain at liberty
and to engage in subversive activities while doing all in their power
to obstruct the processes of law designed to rid the Nation of their
presence.

APPENDIX I

Following is a complete list of committee hearings and publications
for the 1st session of the 84tli Congress :

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 1 (Testi-
mony of Jean Muir), June 15, 1953. (Released by committee May 1*5, 1955.)

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 2 (Youth
Organizations), March 16, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 3 (Testimony
of Mildred Blauvelt), May 3 and 4, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 4 (Testimony
of Mildred Blauvelt) , May 5 and G, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 5 (Summer
Camps), July 25, 2S, 29, and August 1, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 6 (Entertain-
ment) , August 15 and 16, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part 7 (Entertain-
ment) , August 17 and IS, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area — Part S (Entertain-
ment ) , October 14, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Fort Wayne, Ind., Area, February
28, March 1, and April 25, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Milwaukee, Wis., Area — Part 1,
March 2S and 29, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Milwaukee, Wis., Area — Part 2,
March 29, 30, and May 3, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Seattle, Wash., Area — Part 1,
March 17 and IS, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Seattle, Wash., Area — Part 2,
March IS and 19, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Seattle, Wash., Area — Part 3,
Tune 1 and 2, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Newark, N. J., Area — Part 1, May
16 and IT, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Newark, N. J., Area — Part 2, May
IS, 19 and July 13, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Ohio Area (Testimony of Keve
Bray) July 13, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities — Part 1 (The Committee To Secure Jus-
tice in the Rosenberg Case and Affiliates) August 2 and 3, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities — Part 2 (The Committee To Secure Jus-
tice in the Rosenberg Case and Affiliates) August 4 and 5. 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 1,
June 27 and 28, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 2,
June 29, 1955

investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 3,
June 30, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los xYngeles, Calif., Area — Part 4,
July 1 and 2, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 5,
October 13, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif., Area — Part 6
(Testimony of William Ward Kimple) , April 1S-21, 25-29, 1955

Investigation of Communist Activities in the San Diego, Calif., Area — July 5 and
6, 1955

Investigation of Communist Infiltration of Government — Part 1, December 13,
1955

37

38 ANNUAL REPORT. COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

Investigation of Communist Infiltration of Government — Part 2, December 14
and 15, 1055

Cumulative Index to Publications of the Committee on Un-American Activities
1938-54

Annual Report of the Committee on Un-American Activities for the Year 1955

APPENDIX II

How the Communist International Formulates at Present the Problem of

Organization

(By B. Vassiliev)

The Enlarged Presidium of the E. C. C. I. (February 1930), summing up the
international situation, called upon all Communist Parties to fundamentally
change the methods and pace of their work by concentrating their chief atten-
tion on the problems of the preparation and the carrying out of mass REVOLU-
TIONARY ACTIONS OF THE PROLETARIAT — strikes, demonstrations, etc.,
while at the same time continuing as far as possible to promote their agitational
and propaganda work. Consequently, in the present conditions, the Party appara-
tus, in response to the demands which the direction of the Comintern puts forward,
should in the first place be fitted for the organization of demonstrations, strikes
and other mass actions of the proletariat. Party leaders who are not capable
of organizing demonstrations and strikes do not answer to the demands which
the circumstances of the class struggle are now placing before the Communist
Parties, and therefore should be replaced by others who have shown these
qualities in the course of the class battles of the most recent period.

Why did the Enlarged Presidium put the question in this way? The political
resolution of the Enlarged Presidium states that the growing new economic crisis
is hastening the process of upsetting capitalist stabilization (it has already led
to the beginning of the collapse of capitalist stabilization) and the growth
of class contradictions, thus accelerating the rise of a new revolutionary wave.
The resolution further states that the working class movement in the period
since the 10th Plenum of the E. C. C. I. had been raised to a higher stage. The
revolutionary activity of the proletarian masses has grown stronger, the fighting
capabilities of the Communist Parties have been heightened. The whole
position of the class struggle has placed before the Communist Parties and the
Communist International as a whole, a number of new fighting tasks. In the
process of the growth of a new revolutionary upsurge there are present already
in certain capitalist countries elements of a gathering political crisis and of a
revolutionary situation, as for example, in Poland, Italy, Spain, partly in Ru-
mania, in Yugoslavia, and in Greece. A deep political crisis is present in Chiua
and India, being the starting point of a revolutionary situation. In Germany
the process of the radicalization of the masses of the working class is proceeding
at a swift pace. In France, another country of powerful capitalism, the number
of strikers grew from 222,000 in 1928 to 431,000 in 1929, whilst these strikes
assumed a more and more clearly expressed political character and were char-
acterized by the growing tenacity of the workers. In England, in spite of
extraordinary difficult conditions for the growth of a revolutionary movement,
in spite of the extraordinary weakness of the Communist Party (on the 1st
January 1930, 2,800 Party members and 120 members in the Y. C. L.), the number
of strikers in 1929 compared with 1928 grew from 124,000 to 534,000 comprising
the most important sections of industry, such as mining and textiles.

At the same time, the gigantic successes of socialist construction in the
U. S. S. R. are sharpening in the most extreme way the contradictions between
U. S. S. R. and the entire capitalist world and are forcing the leaders of
the capitalist world to strengthen and hasten to the highest degree tlieir military
preparations of a new armed attack on tin* U. 8. 8. R. The 10th Plenum of the
E. C. C. I. showed that the danger of new Imperialist wars and of new
attacks of the imperialists on the U. S. 8. It. never was so imminent from the
time of the imperialist war of 1914-1S as it was at the moment of the 10th
Plenum. By March 1930 that danger had increased still more.

In these conditions of growing economic crisis and heightened threat of war
against the U. 8. 8. R. all measures will be taken by the ruling classes of the
capitalist countries to guarantee their rear before declaring war, that is. every-

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 39

thing will ho done by them to weaken, disorganize and, as far as possible, liqui-
date completely all revolutionary proletarian organizations, and in the lirst place
the Communist Parties * * *

Moreover, the elections themselves in illegal Parties must, as a rule, take place
in such a way that even the members of the conference do not know who is elected
on to the Party Committee. At the present time two methods of electing leading
organs in illegal Parties are practised. The first method. The Party Conference
elects a special commission for counting the votes east for candidates for members
of the Party Committee. Then the candidates are named and the election of the
Parly Committee proceeds by secret vote. The commission checks the results of
the voting, whilst it does not report to the conference as to the personnel elected.
Another method of election. The conference elects a narrow commission in which
a representative of the higher Party Committee takes part and this narrow com-
mittee elects the new Party Committee. In strictly illegal Parties, as for ex-
ample, the Italiana Communist Party, the latter method of election is the only
one which more or less guarantees strict conspirative conditions.

Self-criticism of the mistakes of the Party direction in illegal Parties must
also be organized through narrow conferences and must take place in such a way
that the names of the Party leaders and the functioning of the Party apparatus,
do not lose their conspirative character.

i:>. QUESTIONS OF COMMUNICATIONS

The most important element of successful working of the Party Committee —
the ore on which during the checking of its work the most serious attention must
be concentrated— is the question of connections of the Party Committee wfith the
higher and lower Party organizations, especially with the factory cells and the
fractions of the mass 11011-Party organizations. This question now has a decisive
importance, especially in the legal and semi-legal Communist Parties. The illegal
Communist Parties have already worked out a whole number of measures and
methods in order to keep their communications with the lower organizations and
with separate members of the Party, in spite of the severest police repression.
But with the legal and semi-legal Parties there is bad work all the time along
this line. In Austria during the last Fascist rising, the C. C. lost connection with
the Vienna Committee, and the Vienna Committee lost connection with the enter-
prises. In Paris on the 6 th March 1980 , the C. C. lost connection with the Paris
organization for six days. Such a state of affairs is absolutely impossible and
the most important task of each of our Party organizers, of every instructor going
to the locals to check the work of the Party Committee is above all to check
how the connections between the Party Committee and other Party organizations
are organized, and especially these with the lower Party organizations, and the
factory cells. It is perfectly clear that the Communist Parties will not be in a
position to organize any mass actions of the Proletariat or mass strikes, or mass
street demonstrations, if the Party Committees at sharp moments of struggle
lose connection with the factory cells and mass 11011-Party organizations.

Which are the most important methods of communication it is essential to
foresee? It is essentially important to have a well-laid out live communication.
Live communication is kept going by the help of the system of so-called appearing
or reporting places. What is a reporting point. A reporting point is this : the
Pary Committee establishes special addresses of flats or other places where on
certain days and at certain times representatives of the cells and fractions of the
mass organizations must appear. There also representatives of the Party Com-
mittees appear. The representative of the cells and fractions makes reports on
what has happened in the factory, what the cell has done, what it proposes to do
and so on, and the representatives of the Party Committee, having received the
report, advises the cell how it should act, passes on to it the directions of the
higher Party organs and so on. This system of appearing places must without
fail be established in all Parties without exception, legal and illegal whilst in the
legal Parties a double system of reporting places must without fail be estab-
lished — a system of legal and illegal appearing points. Legal reporting places
in the legal premises at the Party Committee and illegal appearing places in case
the legal premises of the Party Committee are closed, or a police ambush is sitting
there, in order quickly to re-establish connection with the lower Party cell in
another way through the illegal reporting place. For the latter, appearing
points should therefore he prepared beforehand. In Germany, in Belgium, in
France, Party meetings in cafes were at one time very widespread. This is a very
bad habit because there are always spies in cafes in countless numbers and it

40 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

is difficult to get rid of them. It is necessary to go over more quickly to the
establishment of appearing places in safer localities. If the Party has already
more or less seriously and fundamentally gone over to underground positions, and
the shadowing of leading active Party members has begun, and Party members
are being arrested in the streets, then it is very important that special signals
should be established for the appearing flats, showing; in the first place, the
safety of the flat, second, showing that exactly those people have come who were
expected and that these comrades who have come are talking with exactly those
comrades whom the observer is coming to see. In order to show that the report-
ing places are in working order, in Russian conditions, for example, a flowerpot
was placed in the window, the comrade came, saw that the flowers are there,
knew that it is safe, and entered. It is necessary to say that these reception
signals were very quickly learned by the police and that they therefore, when
visiting any flat, carefully searched for signals before fixing an ambush. If
they saw that flowers are in the window and the person whom they have come
to arrest has tried by all means possible to take these flowers away, the police
insisted on putting them back in the place where they were. So, when arrang-
ing safety signals for reporting places, it is necessary to arrange them in such a
way that they don’t strike the eyes of the police and that they can be taken away
without being noticed by the police.

For verifying those who come to the reporting places, a system of passwords
is established. The comrade comes to the reporting place, and he says some
agreed-upon sentence. They answer to that agreed-on sentence by some other
agreed-on sentence. So both comrades check each other. In Russian under-
ground conditions very complicated passwords were sometimes used in the central
appearing places. This was called forth by the circumstances that different
workers passed through such reporting places ; rank and file workers from the
cells, district and Central Party workers. Accordingly, one password was fixed
for the rank and tile worker, a more complicated one for the district worker and
still more complicated one for the central worker. Why was this necessary? It
was necessary for conspirative reasons, since only certain things could be said to
the rank and file worker while perhaps other things could be said to the district
worker, whilst you could speak with full frankness about the whole work of
the illegal organization to the representative of the Central Committee. There-
fore, passwords were, as they used to say at that time of “three degrees of trust.”
This was done in this way. The first degree of trust : a comrade comes and says
an agreed-upon sentence and is replied to by an agreed-upon sentence. The
second stage ; the comrade who has come in reply to the agreed-upon sentence
spoken to him, says another agreed-upon sentence, in reply to which yet another
agreed-upon sentence is spoken to him. The third stage of trust : to the second
agreed-upon sentence the comrade replies by a third agreed-upon sentence. Then
the keeper of the appearing place also replies to the third agreed-upon sentence.

Besides flats for reporting points, connecting link flats are also needed for com-
munication by letter, and these flats must in no case coincide. And finally, there
must be fiats for the sheltering of illegal comrades, comrades whom the police are
looking for ; comrades who have escaped from prison, etc., etc. For all our legal
Communist Parties the question of addresses and flats now plays a role of the
first importance. Last year, on the eve of the 1st August, when it was clear
that the leading workers would be arrested in a number of countries, comrades
did not know where to go, there were no flats. In any case, when it was necessary
to shelter comrades hiding from the police in Germany, Czechoslovakia and
France very great difficulties occurred, especially in the provinces. It is essen-
tial for all Parties to occupy themselves now in the most serious way with the
solution of the “housing” problem.

Concerning communications by letter. It is also necessary to give the most
serious attention to the problem of the organization of letter communications.
In checking the work of the Party Committee it is necessary to consider this
question specially : Does the Party Committee have addresses for communicating
by letter with the higher and lower Party organizations, and how are these
communications put into practice? Now, even for the legal Parties, the firmest
rule must be established that all correspondence concerning the functioning of
the Party apparatus, must without fail go by special routes guaranteeing letters
from being copied in the post. All kinds of general circulars, general informa-
tion reports on the condition of the Party in legal parties can go through
the ordinary post to legal Party addresses, but everything concerning the func-
tioning of the Party Committee even in legal Parties, must now without fail go
by special routes. In the first place, the use of special couriers must be foreseen,

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 41

who will personally carry letters, not trusting these letters to the State post.
Here the Parties must make use of the connections which they have with post
and telegraph and railway servants, connections with all kinds of commercial
travellers for trading firms and so on. All these connections must be used in
order that without extra expense responsible Party documents can be trans-
ported. Further, every Party should take care that every letter, apart from
whether it goes through the State post or by courier should be written in such
a way that in case it falls into the hands of the police it should not give the
police a basis for any kind of arrest or repression against the Party organization.

This makes the following three requisites. The first requisite : the letter must
be in code, i. e., all aspects of illegal work are referred to by some special phrase
or other. For example, the illegal printing press is called “aunti” ; ‘‘type”
is called “sugar” and so on. A comrade writes : “auntie asks you without fail
to send her 20-lbs. of sugar;” that will mean that the press is in need of 20-lbs.
of type or a comrade writes: “we are experiencing great difficulty in finding
a suitable flat for our aunt.” That means that it is a question of finding a flat
for the illegal printing press.

Second requisite : besides a code, as above, ciphers are used, illegal parts of
letters being put not only into code but also into cipher. There are many dif-
ferent systems of cipher. The simplest and at the same time most reliable system
of cipher is the system of cipher by the help of a book. Some book or other is
agreed upon beforehand and then the cipher is made in this way : simple fractions
or decimals are ciphered. The first figure of the first fraction shows the page
of the book. Then further comes the actual cipher. For the numerator of the
fraction we must take a line counting from above or below ; for the denominator
that counting from the left or from the right which it is necessary to put into
cipher. For example, we need to put into cipher the letter “A”. We look in the
book and we see that this letter is in the third line from the top, the fourth letter
from the left to the right. Then we cipher 3 over 4 (%), that is the third line
from the top, fourth letter from left to right. You can agree also on this method ;
for example, counting the line not from above but from below, then the 3 will
not be the third line from above but the third line from below. You can agree
to count the letter in the line not from left to right but from right to left.
Finally, for greater complexity in order to keep the sense from the police, you
can also add to the fraction some figure or other. Let us say the numerator is
increased by 3 and the denominator by 4. In this case in order to decipher, it
will be necessary first to subtract in the numerator and denominator of every
fraction. A whole number of similar complications can be thought out in order
to complicate the cipher. The advantage of such a cipher is that it is not only
very simple but also that each letter can be designated by a great number of
different signs and in such a way that the cipher designation of the letters
are not repeated. The book cipher can be used without a book. In place of
a book some poem or other can be chosen, learned by heart and the ciphering
done according to it. When it is necessary to cipher or decipher, the poem must
be written out in verses and then the ciphering or deciphering done and the
poem destroyed.

The third requisite which is also recommended should be observed in cor-
respondence, is writing in chemical inks, that is, wfith such inks that it is
impossible to read them with special adaptations. If a secret Party letter falls
into the hands of the police written in invisible ink they must first of all guess
that it is w T ritteii in invisible ink; the open text of such letters must be made
perfectly blameless, for example, a son is writing to his mother that he is alive
and well and of the good things he wishes her. Not a word about revolution.
The police must guess first of all that under this apparent innocent text there
is a hidden text. Having discovered this secret the police tumble against the
cipher. If they succeed in deciphering the cipher, they stumble up against a
code and they have still to decipher that code. But all this takes time in the
course of which the police can do nothing. If the police succeed in reading it in
the course of two or three weeks, then by that time the Party organization has
been able to cover up all the consequences of the question which was written
about in the letter.

What kind of invisible ink should be used? Invisible inks exist in a very great
number. They can be bought in any chemist’s shop. Finally, comrades must
use the latest inventions of chemistry in this direction. The simplest invisible
ink which can be recommended and which can be found everywhere, is, for
example, onion juice and pure water.

42 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

16. PLAN OF WORK OF THE PARTY COMMITTEE

Every Party Committee must have a definite plan of work for the period
immediately ahead. In the conditions of the capitalist countries Party Com-
mittees cannot work out the same complicated calendar plans as the Party organi-
zations of the C. P. S. U. The C. P. S. U. is a Party in power. The plans of the
C. P. S. U. regulate the whole social and political life of the country. In capitalist
countries the Communist Parties are the parties of an oppressed class. The bour-
geoisie in power uses the whole apparatus of the State power and the full help
of the Social-Fascist and other reactionary organizations in order to smash the
plans of the Communist Parties. In these conditions the committees of the Com-
munist Parties must systematically reconsider and reconstruct the plans of their
work ; accordingly, these plans must he very pliable. But plans there must he,
without fail. Every Party Committee must have an approximate plan of its
work for the period immediately ahead and must group the forces of the Party
organization according to that plan, fit the forms of the Party structure to it
and also the methods of Party work. The essence of the plan of work of the
Party Committee is the adequate catering for the needs of the masses in the
largest enterprises, playing a more important role in the territory of the given
Party organization. The structure of the local Party organization must be such
that the organizations can above all serve these big enterprises. That is to say,
that in the first place the Party Committee must interest itself in questions of
the work of the factory cells at these big enterprises, must help in the work of
these factors cells, seeking to attain that these Party cells should become
really strong political and organizational organs of the Party, that they should
be in practice connecting organs between the Party and the masses of workers
at these enterprises. This idea can best of all be made clear by a concrete
example, say as follows : in a town there are two or three big enterprises ;
railway workshops, a metal factory, a textile factory.^ Besides these three big
enterprises there are two or three dozen small enterprises, and in addition
scattered Party members, individual workers, artisans, representatives of the
so-called liberal professions, — lawyers, writers, a doctor and so on, as well as
a few students. The Party Committee of this town should interest itself above
all in what is happening in the big enterprises — in the railway workshops, in
the metal factory and the textile factory, how the factory cells are working there
and in the first place help the factory cells of these enterprises by all and
every means possible, concentrating all their attention and all their forces on
this task. In the lawyer’s office and the doctor’s surgery there are no masses
which the Party must win over and organize for revolutionary struggle. It is
another matter with the big enterprises. Therefore the central question in the
work of every Party Committee is the question of systematically coming to the
assistance of the factory cells in the big enterprises. A Party Committee which
cannot provide serious daily help to such factory cells, a Party Committee
which cannot organize factory cells capable of working in the enterprises, is
a bad Party Committee and the leading organs of the Party and the mass of
Party members should hasten to draw from this state of affairs the necessary
conclusions and as quickly as possible make a change so far as such a Party
Committee is concerned.

17. MOBILIZATION OF THE FORCES OF FACTORY CELLS

We must bear in mind with regard to the internal organization of the work of
factory cells that in all countries some members of the Party working in the
enterprises, do not wish to be members of factory cells and do not wish to carry
on Party work in the factory. For example, in the documents of the Central
Committee of the Czechoslovakian Party on the preparation for the campaign for
the 6th March 1030 there is information from all districts that when practical
questions of the preparation for the demonstration for the 6th March were put
before the meetings of factory cells, in many factory cells voices were raised to
the effect that it was impossible to do any work in the factory, and at a place
called Laza in Moravia, one responsible worker of a factory cell even put the
question in this way: “If the Party will guarantee material help after I have
been thrown out of the factory for taking part in the demonstration, but if the
Party cannot guarantee my family and myself then I will not carry on Party
work in the factory.” Such moods among Communists working in the factory
are to be observed on all sides. There are Party members who agree to pay
membership dues, agree to come to a meeting once every fortnight or once a
month, in order to hear a report on the world proletarian revolution, and vote

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 43

for the platform of the Comintern against the liquidators, the Trotskyists and
all other renegades, but are not willing to carry on recruiting work among the
workers of their enterprise, do not wish to prepare strikes in their own enter-
prises, do not wish to call out the workers of their enterprises to demonstrations,
and so on. Every Party Committee has to fight with such Party members in
their enterprises. What should we do with them? The most important task
of the Party committee consists in organizing all Party members working in
enterprises into factory cells and drawing them into the day to day work of the
factory. With regard to Party members who do not wish to take part in the
work of factory cells, the most attentive and stubborn explanatory work must
be carried out. But if somebody or other all the same, categorically refuses to
work in a factory cell, that comrade must be told that nobody is keeping him
in the party. The Communist Party is a voluntary organization, but every
worker who voluntarily joins the ranks of the Communist Party accepts iron
party discipline. If that discipline seems very hard to him, even unbearable,
then the Party should not shut its doors upon him. In this regard we must
bear in mind that Party members who do not wish to work in factory cells are
not necessarily traitors to the working class. In some organizations Party
workers, proletarians, who have refused to carry out difficult tasks in their enter-
prises, have been cleaned out of the Party as alien elements. There are alien
elements in the ranks of the Communist Party, including direct provocators,
agents of the police and the employers, who specially creep into the Party for
the purpose of carrying on disruptive work in the ranks of the Party. The Party
must strictly observe each one of its members, verify in the most careful way
every suspicious Party member, and if it is established that he is an alien element
and even more a provocative agent, then of course, there is absolutely no reason
to beat about the bush with him. But in the ranks of the Communist Parties
there are a large number of proletarians who sincerely sympathize with Com-
munism but who at the same time are not strong enough to fulfill all the demands
of Communist discipline. With regard to such proletarians, if they are not
capable of being members of the Communist Party there is no need to keep them
in the Communist Party, but at the same time there is no need to throw them
out of the Party like a dirty rag: they must be organized round the Party as
sympathizers as members of non-Party mass organizations, in the Red Trade
Unions, in the I. L. P., the W. I. R. and so on. In these organizations no such
discipline is demanded as in the ranks of the Communist Party and they can
work here in a suitable manner. At the present stage of development of the
Communist movement, when the Communist Parties are ceasing to be organiza-
tions for propaganda and agitation of the Communist idea, and are turning into
fighting organizations, preparing and leading revolutionary actions of the prole-
tarian masses against the organized forces of the employers, police, State and
Social-Fascists, some members of the Party are showing themselves incapable
of fulfilling the new fighting tasks of the Communist Party. But without doubt
such Party members can be useful to the Party as sympathetic elements, and
even as leading active elements in different mass organizations, as for example,
in the ILD, Tenants’ Organizations, W. I. R., and so on. Factory cells must be
composed of proletarians who are really the advance guard of the workers of a
given enterprise, devoted to the cause of Communism, ready to carry out the
directions of the Party, grudging neither health nor strength, nor life, not being
afraid if Party interests demand it to carry out such work in the enterprise as
may cause the employer to throw them out of the factory, perhaps the police to
arrest them, and the courts to condemn them to heavy punishment. In fact,
onlv factory cells composed of such proletarians can do great revolutionary
work even though they be very small. In one of the mining districts of Czecho-
slovakia in 1930 there was such a case. The Social-Democrats organized a meet-
ing of miners. Only one Communist took part in the meeting. Different ques-
tions which the Social Democrats brought forward were considered. After a
discussion in which the Party member present at the meeting took the most active
part, the meeting decided to join up in the Red Trade Union. The Czechoslo-
vakian comrades will remember another case which took place in 1930 in Prague.
When the famous social traitor Vandervelde came there, the Social-Democrats
organized a big meeting at which about 30 active Party members were present.
Vandervelde delivered a long speech pouring dirty water on the Communist In-
ternational. the U. S. S. R., and the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, neverthe-
less, not one of the 30 Party members present at the meeting and there were
members of the C. C. amongst them, opened his mouth in protest against the
counter-revolutionary speech of the Social-Fascist leader. It is perfectly clear

44 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

that with activists like the “activists” of the Prague organization, who were
present at Vander velde’s meeting, the Czechoslovakian proletariat will not win
power but the Communist Party will be a shameful laughing stock in the eyes
of the proletariat and the proletariat, quite rightly, will not listen to such
“activists” and will not support Party organizations which keep such “activists”
in leading Party work.

18. STREET CELLS

The organization of a factory cell in a big enterprise in the present conditions
is a very difficult affair, demanding very long and stubborn work by the Party
members, both those working in the enterprise as well as those who are em-
ployed elsewhere. It is the business of the Party Committee to secure the essen-
tial co-ordination of the work of the Communists who are working inside the
enterprise, with that of the Communists who are outside the boundaries of the
enterprise. And here a very important question presents itself with regard to
the form of organization of Party members who are not workers in enterprises ;
artisans, housewives, etc. According to the decisions of the International Or-
ganizational Consultations, and according to the constitution of the Communist
Parties, such Party members are organized in street cells. But how should these
street cells be organized? The practice of the Parties of the different countries
shows that the street cells are often organized without any plan. Street cells
are organized according to place of residence, those Party members who live in
the territory of a definite district or around some street or other, being brought
into the street cells. But what should these street cells do? The practice of
street cells in many countries shows that as a rule they meet from time to time,
discuss various general questions, but do not carry on any practical day to day
work. Street cells as a rule come to life only during big campaigns at the time
of various elections, etc., when they are called upon to distribute leaflets, collect
signatures, canvass flats, etc.

In future Party Committees must see to it that street cells are constructed so
that in their day to day work they should help the Party Committee to strengthen
its connection with the workers in big enterprises, strengthen the work of fac-
tory cells and so on. This should be the fundamental practical rule for the
organization and work of street cells. At the same time it must be firmly borne
in mind that along with the development of the class struggle Party Committees
must not fail to carry out changes in the composition and structure of the street
cells which may become necessary, make a re-grouping of the forces of the
members of street cells, in order at a given moment to have a concentration of
forces on the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. For
example, if some unrest should arise in a textile factory, the Party Committee
must at once consider the possibility of developing that unrest into a strike
inside the factory. But a strike can only be organized provided good prepara-
tory work has been carried out. Who must carry it out? In the first place
Party members and sympathizers working in the textile factory, but on the other
hand, the Party Committee must organize the maximum assistance for these
comrades, drawing on Party members working in other factories, and also mem-
bers of street cells. There can be all .kinds of combinations here. For exam-
ple, it might be advisable and practicable that a Party member working as a
fitter in a metal factory, a member of the factory cell of the metal factory should
apply for a job in the textile factory where a fitter may be needed. Everything"
must be done in order by such means to strengthen the cell of the textile factory
from within. Further, let us suppose that near the textile factory a street ceil
is working and that in this street cell there are, let us say, five more or less
weak comrades living in the district. It is essential to strengthen this street
cell by including in it a number of other comrades who live nearby, or even at
the other end of the town, in order with the help of this street cell to strengthen
the agitation among the workers of the textile factory on their way to and from
work, to strengthen through this street cell the distribution among the workers
of a textile factory paper, leaflets, and other literature which may be issued by
the Party with the aim of preparing and organizing a strike, in this textile fac-
tory. Let us suppose that after the strike is finished a movement begins
in another factory; the Party Committee must at once regroup its forces
in order to concentrate them again on another fighting sector of the Party
work. And so all t lie time. It is impossible to regard the Party structure or
any local organization as something unshakahly firm and not liable to undergo
changes. The Party Committee must systematically check the distribution of
members between different cells, check the expediency of the organization of

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 45

the cell, carry out regrouping of the members of the cell in order in each sep-
arate case and at each concrete moment, to concentrate the best forces of the
Party round the most important sectors of the front of the class struggle. In
this lies the fundamental art of the Party organizer. His general task consists
in seeing that every Party member as well as sympathizer should be constantly
drawn into day to day work, attention being concentrated upon the most impor-
tant sectors of the class struggle.

19. SHOCK GEOUFS

The practice of the X. C. L. has recently given rise to the method of so-called
shock groups or brigades. This method of shock brigades could be usefully
carried over into the practice of the Party. The term “shock brigade” is not
in itself very good. Shock brigades are organized in the factories in the U. S. S.
R., the Communists working in the factories organizing shock groups around
which non-Party workers are gathered. But the Communist Party is the ad-
vance guard of the working class, i. e., it is in itself the shock group of the work-
ing class; to create within this shock advance guard of the working class yet
other shock brigades is of course at bottom not correct. But this is what IS cor-
rect. In the Party organizations of capitalist countries, numbers of Party mem-
bers are not drawn into the everyday work. Every Party member belongs to a
cell, which meets once a fortnight or once a month, and in between these meet-
ings Party members do not perform much Party work, in many cases, in fact,
have no Party tasks at all. This happens because in the given cells at the
given time, there is not much internal work, while other sectors of Party work
may at the same moment have important militant tasks before them. It is for
the Party Committee to keep on combining Party members into different groups
for the concentration of forces upon the most important sectors. Having per-
formed a given task such groups or brigades are broken up or reconstructed into
other groups for taking up new work. The general aim in creating such groups
should be the strengthening of Party work in the big enterprises of the most
important sections of industry. Here, on this problem the full attention of the
leading Party organs must be sharply directed in the near future.

20. WORK OF THE FACTORY CELLS IN THE ENTERPRISES

When we approach the study of the work of the factory cells in capitalist
countries we are often struck by the great passivity of the members of the cell.
A further examination of the reasons for this passivity will reveal, as a rule, a
complete ignorance on the part of the Party members as to what they should do
in the factory in their everyday work. The task of the Party organizer, his
most important task, consists in teaching every Party member working in the
factory what he should do every day. Every Party member working in the fac-
tory should begin with workshop in which he is working, organizing the Party
work there. He should first of all find out who his fellow workers in the shop are.
That is his first Party duty. He should establish who is the Fascist agent in
order to know whom "to avoid, and in his presence not talk about Party affairs
or carry on Communist agitation ; next he should find out which workers are
so narrow-minded that they are not interested in politics at all, either Commu-
nist or Social-Democratic : he should know which of his neighbors in the shop
is a member of the Social Democratic Party, but still an honest proletarian,
capable of fighting for the interests of the working class even though against
his Party leaders. Finally, what is specially important, every member of a
factory cell should know which of his neighbors at the bench is revolutionary
minded even though non-Party, and ready to take or has already taken, active
part in strikes and revolutionary demonstrations. When a Party member work-
ing in a workshop has a clear picture of what each worker there represents,
it will be much easier for him to carry on his everyday work. He will then
know whom he is to avoid, whom he will have to fight, with whom to become
acquainted and establish closer relations with the aim of bringing them into
active revolutionary work. As to the latter, he must have systematic chats
with them in the intervals of work, preferably during working hours, also on
the way to and from work, or arrange special walks with them in the town on
holidays ; he must patiently, unceasingly, from day to day, using every hour,
every "minute, agitate them into the spirit of Communism, of course not in a
general abstract way, but on questions of everyday struggle in the given enter-
prise and in the given workshop, organizing them around himself and thus
creating a revolutionary kernel in the shop, and in consequence a workshop

46 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

factory cell. Next, the most important everyday task of the comrade in the
workshop is to carry on discussions with the Social-Democratic workers, win-
ning over the Social-Democratic workers to his side, bringing the more revolu-
tionary minded of them and members of reformist trade unions into every kind
of action against the employer, against the Social-Democratic and reformist
leaders. His third task should consist of getting the Fascist agents, police spies,
etc., driven out of the shop and factory. This last task is forgotten most
often of all. However, it is evident that so long as there are among the workers
in the shop police agents who are following every movement of the revolutionary
minded workers, and informing the boss about their actions every day, it will
be very difficult to organize work in that shop. Blit if by pressure of the
workers he should succeed in ridding the shop of these agents, Party work will
be greatly facilitated. Among those who should be thrown out it will now be
necessary to include individual Social-Democrats who show themselves Fascist
police agents, but the general line in relation to Social-Democratic workers must
remain, i. e., they must be drawn into the general class channel of the revolu-
tionary struggle of the proletariat by means of the organization of the united
front from below.

Thus the foundation of the factory cell must definitely be the workshop of
dept. cell. The general factory cell can w T ork well only when it has strong support
points in the workshops and separate departments.

21 . the shop cell

The most important task of the shop cell is to concentrate the non-Party active
workers in the shop compactly around itself. To organize the shop, the dept.—
this is the task of the shop cell, so that every shop of a factory may act as an
organized force. How can this be done? It can he done only provided the shop
cell works on the foundation of the defense of the everyday interests of the
working class, that every Communist in every shop organizes the mass of the
workers of that shop around every question of everyday struggle of the working
class. For example, there is a foreman in the shop who behaves very roughly to
the workers. The cell must organize the whole mass of the workers around the
demand that this foreman should be dismissed. The cell should create a com-
mittee of action, organize elections of shop stewards who should be delegate-
representatives of all the workers in the shop, in order to effect the driving out of
the foreman. Active Communists among these shop stewards should form the
leading core, but non-Party workers who are respected by the mass of the
workers, should also be drawn in, including even individual Social-Democratic
workers who have declared their readiness to fight for the removal of this fore-
man, in spite of all orders and threats from their leaders. If the shop celts
succeeds in creating such a directing center around concrete tasks affecting the
interests of all the workers of the factory, then we can say that this shop cell
has worked well : it has become the revolutionary leader of the workers of a given
shop. A cell which is every day closely bound up with the working masses on
questions of the defense of their closest interests and which enjoys the full confi-
dence of the workers in the cause of the defense of their interest, will retain that
confidence in the future, in more responsible actions and at most responsible
moments of the struggle for power.

The question of the creation of such support points for revolutionary class
struggle in the shops and also on a general factory scale in the most important
question in the work of our factory cells. In the first place the question of the
so-called revolutionary shop stewards is bound up with this. This slogan was
issued by the Communist Party of Germany in 1929. At present it is extremely
real for all capitalist countries. Revolutionary shop stewards — that means those
workers elected by the revolutionary section of the workers of the factory at
their workshop of general factory meetings, who are the organizers of the united
front from below in the struggle for the defense of the closest interests of the
workers of the given factory against the attacks of the employers and against the
leaders of the Social Democratic and reformist trade unions.

So the factory cell can only become a strong Party organization capable of
acting efficiently, and connected with the masses, when it operated on the basis of
strong shop cells. Therefore the strong shop cell is the most important organi-
zational guarantee for the good working of the general factory cell. The shop
cell in its turn will only work well when it is able to organize the whole mass of
the workers of its shop around the issues of the class struggle, which are near to
and understood by all the workers of the shop, including non-Party workers and

ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 47

members of the reformist unions and members of the Social-Democratic Party.
Shop cells should carry on their mass work within the shop on the basis of the
tactic of the united front from below through revolutionary shop stewards. Rev-
olutionary shop stewards in their turn must include among their number the most
active Communists, members of the shop cells, but in addition individual revo-
lutionary-minded Social-Democratic workers and non-Party advanced workers
must be drawn into this work who are ready not to listen to their leaders in the
struggle against the employers and their agents. When the shop cell succeeds
in creating the institution of revolutionary shop stewards leading their everyday
struggle, then no police can drive the Party organization from the factory, then,
in order to drive the Party organization out of the factory it will be necessary to
shut the factory down, to dismiss all the workers and recruit a new staff of
workers.

22. ON WORK IN THE MASS ORGANIZATIONS

Mass organizations must be divided into two large groups : mass organizations
supporting the Communist parties and other mass organizations fighting the
Communist Parties. To the first category belong the revolutionary trade unions,
ILD, WIR, etc. Organizations of the second kind are in their turn divided into
two groups: 1) formerly non-Party mass organizations like reformist Christian
and other reactionary trade unions, sport organizations, etc. and 2) all kinds of
organizations politically hostile to us, such as the Social-Democratic Party,
various Fascist political unions, etc.

In all non-Party mass proletarian organizations, such as trade unions, sport
organizations, tenants’ organizations, etc. the Party should form fractions em-
bracing all Communists and sympathizers. There are thousands of decisions
about fractions in mass organizations, but up to now the position in all Parties
with regard to fractions is bad. In the first place fractions are far from being
organized everywhere. In the second place, organized fractions in the majority
of cases work without the direction of the Party Committee. So. the Party Com-
mittees should before all find out whether fractions exist everywhere, where they
should be established, and in the second place it is essential that Party Commit-
tees should direct the work of the fractions and that the fractions should in the
strictist way carry out all the directions of the corresponding Party Committees.
In the constitution of the Communist Party it is laid down that a fraction has
the right to appeal against the decision of a Party Committee. A Party Commit-
tee is bound to examine the protest of a fraction against its decision in the pres-
ence of a representative of a fraction. The decision of a Party Committee is
binding on a fraction and there is no appeal against it : it should be accepted
without argument and put into life without delay. At present in practice
directions of the Party Committees are frequently not carried out by fractions.
The task of the Party is to see that every fraction carries out these directions in
the strictest way. With regard to fraction members who avoid carrying out
directions, the most serious explanatory work must essentially be undertaken
and in case of necessity, the strictest Party measures should be taken even up to
expulsion from the Party, for otherwise the Party will be completely unable to
direct the work of a fraction. There may be cases when swift interference of the
Party Committee is called for, while it may be impossible to convene a full meet-
ing of the Party Committee to give out such a new direction. For example, some
trade union Congress or other is being held. Before the congress the fraction
meets, called together by the Party Committee and jointly works out instructions.
But during the Congress questions may come up which have not been foreseen in
the directions of the Party Committee. What is to be done? Should the commit-
tee meet immediately? And how can this be arranged, when questions may arise
at any moment which are absolutely unexpected and which must be reacted to at
once? For such cases the Party Committee must nominate a special group of
three comrades or a plenipotentiary representative, who should decide in the
name of the Party Committee. At the meeting of the fraction it should he ex-
plained that for the leadership of the work of the fraction the Party Committee
has nominated a group of three comrades consisting of such and such comrades,
or such a plenipotentiary, and that the intervention of these comrades, their
propositions, should be looked upon by all fraction members as official directions
of the Party Committee and carried out without any argument. In this way un-
interrupted guidance of the Party Committee is guaranteed in the work of the
fraction * * *

48 ANNUAL REPORT, COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES

APPENDIX III

The following is a copy of an affidavit which has been submitted
to the committee by Ralph Vernon Long for the purpose of correcting
an error in his testimony before the committee on November 30,
1954. The error is located on page 7363 of the committee’s printed
hearings titled “Investigation of Communist Activities in the State
of Florida, Part 1.”

State of North Carolina,

County of Durham , ss:

I, Ralph Vernon Long, being first duly sworn, depose and state that I ap-
peared before the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Rep-
resentatives in Miami, Fla., on November 30, 1954, in response to a subpena ;

That I did at the time and place above designated, testify concerning my
experiences in the Communist Party and of my knowledge concerning the oper-
ations of the Communist Party ;

That I did at the time and place above indicated, identify one Grace Liv-
ingston as being from New Orleans and connected with the Southern Confer-
ence for Human Welfare in that city as being known to me as having been a
member of the Communist Party and as having attended a Communist Party
school in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., in June 1947 ;

That some time subsequent to the date I so testified I realized I had made
an error in the identification of Grace Livingston and that the name of the per-
son I intended to identify and do so now identify is that of Grace Tillman ;

That I make this affidavit solely for the purpose of correcting the error in
identification and in order that the Committee on Un-American Activities of
the House of Representatives may correct their record accordingly.

(s) Ralph V. Long, Affiant.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 24th day of September 1955

[seal] Richard McDonald,

Notary Puhlw in and for the Comity of Durham , State of North Carolina .

My commission expires July 31, 1957.

INDEX

Individuals Page

Abber, Edith 31

Alma n, David 31,33

Alman, Emily (Mrs. 1 >avid Alman) 33

Asher, Lester G

Baldwin, Bereniece 33

Belmont, Until 33 ’

Bentley, Elizabeth 6, 7

Blauvelt, Mildred 2, 1G, 17

Brainin, Joseph 31

Bridges, Harry 21

Briehl, Fred 10

Bucholt, Joseph 12

Burl a k, Ann 31

Chambers, Whittaker 7

Christoffel, Harold 21

Cooper, Harry G

Crow, Tom 33

Czarnowski, Anzelm A 32

Davis, Frank C 10

Davis, Nelson 33

DeAquino, Anthony 17, IS

Dennett, Eugene 3, 2S, 29

Derwent, Clarence 15

Diamond, Bert G

Donner, Frank G

Eggleston, James 22, 23

Eisenseher, Sigmund 23, 24

Engler, Sam 12

Fislier, Joseph 20

Fogel, Robert 12

Fra n tj is, Jean D 32

Freedland, Michael 32

Freedland, Sylvia 32

Friedman, Kenneth 9, 10

Fritchman, Stephen H 10

Fuchs, Herbert 5-7

Gilman, John 33

Glatis, James 31,32

Gojack, John T 1,21

Golat, Solomon 20

Gorham, James G

Granat, Josephine 33

Green, David 9

Green, glass, David 31

Grossman, Sol 33

Gustafson, Elton 10

Gustafson. Sarah (Mrs. Elton Gustafson) 10

Gutman, Herbert S, 9

Hall, George 13

Halper, Philip 33

Ha rap, Louis 30, 33

Hardyman, George Hugh 11, 2G

Hardy man, Susan (Mrs. George Hugh Hardyman) 11

Heald, Allen G

i

iv

INDEX

Communist Party : Page.

Michigan, Labor Commission 22

New York State, Farm Commission 10

Wisconsin 23,24

Community Unitarian Fellowship 26

Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America, United 1

District 4 17, 18

District 9 2, 20, 21

Local 447 18

Local 931 21

First Unitarian Church (Los Angeles) 10

Friends of Ormsby Village 30

Fur and Leather Workers Union, International 9

Independent Progressive Party 28

International Workers Order 9

Jefferson School of Social Science 9

Labor Youth League 2, 8, 11, 12, 22, 23

Lou jack Camp Corp 9

National Committee to Secure Justice for Morton Sobell in the Rosen-
berg Case 30

National Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 3,29,30

Local affiliates :

Boston 30, 31

Chicago 30, 33

Cleveland 30, 33

Detroit 30, 32, 33

Los Angeles 30

Milwaukee 30,32

Philadelphia 30, 32

Washington, 1). C 30,33

National Negro Labor Council 20

National Rosenberg-Sobell Committee 33

New York State Joint Legislative Committee on Philanthropic and Charit-
able Agencies 11

Northern California Peace Crusade 25

Ormsby Hill Trust 10

Ormsby Village for Youth 10, 11, 28

People’s Progressive Party 23

Perlo group 7

Prisoners’ Relief Committee 21

San Diego First Unitarian Church 26

San Diego Peace Forum 25

Save Our Sons Committee 3,4

Silvermaster group 7

Southern California Peace Crusade 25-27

Southern Conference for Human Welfare 48

Straight Arrow Camp 10

Subcommittee to Investigate Railroads, Holding Companies, and Related
Matters of the Senate Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce 5-7

Sylvan Lake, Inc 9

Trade Union Unity League 28

Unemployed Councils 28

United States Government :

Interstate Commerce Commission 6

Labor Department 6

National Labor Relations Board 4-6

National War Labor Board 5, 6

Office of Price Administration 6

WPA 6

Ware-Abt-Witt group 7

Washington Commonwealth Federation 28

Washington Old Age Pension Union 28

Washington Pension Union 3, 28, 29

Wheeler Committee. (See Subcommittee to Investigate Railroads, Hold-
ing Companies, and Related Matters of the Senate Committee on Inter-
state and Foreign Commerce.)

INDEX

v

Pago

Wholesale ami Warehouse Workers, Independent Local G5 15

Wingdale Lodge 9, Id

Workers’ Alliance 28

Young Communist League 8, 12

Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) - 16

Young Progressives of America — S, 22, 23

Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) 16

Youth for Wallace Club 8

Publications

Jewish Life 30

Korean Independence 27

o